reference
collection
book
Kansas city
public library
Kansas city,
missouri
From the collection of the
* n
PreTinger
v Jjibrary
t p
San Francisco, California
2007
NEW MEXICO
HISTORICAL REVIEW
NEW MEXICO
HISTORICAL REVIEW
Editors
FRANK D. REEVE PAUL A. F. WALTER
Associates
PERCY M. BALDWIN GEORGE P. HAMMOND
FRANCE V. SCHOLES THEODOSIUS MEYER, O.F.M.
ARTHUR J. 0. ANDERSON
VOLUME XXVI
1951
PUBLISHED QUARTERLY BY THE
HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF NEW MEXICO
AND THE
UNIVERSITY OF NEW MEXICO
Page
BdR 1, JANUARY, 1951
Home on the Range
Ruth Tressman 1
The Gadsden Purchase Lands
J. J. Wagoner 18
On the Navaho Trail : the Campaign of 1860-61
Max L. Heyman, Jr. 44
Checklist of New Mexico Publications
(continued) . . . Wilma Loy Shelton 64
Notes and Documents 68
Book Reviews 83
NUMBER 2, APRIL, 1951
Short-Line Staging in New Mexico
William Swilling Wallace 89
The Navaho during the Spanish Regime in New
Mexico .... Donald E. Worcester 101
A Coronado Episode
J. Wesley Huff 119
Old Settlers in Otero County
Dan McAllister 128
Checklist of New Mexico Publications
(continued) . . . Wilma Loy Shelton 137
Notes and Documents 148
Book Reviews 165
NUMBER 3, JULY, 1951
Washington Ellsworth Lindsey
Ira C. Ihde 177
Cristobal de Onate
Agapito Rey 197
Development of the Cattle Industry in Southern
Arizona, 1870' and 80's ' . . J. J. Wagoner 204
Page
Checklist of New Mexico Publications
(continued) . . . Wilma Loy Shelton 225
Notes and Documents 242
Book Reviews 248
NUMBER 4, OCTOBER, 1951
The Rough Riders
Royal A. Prentice 261
Fort Union Memories
Genevieve La Tourrette 277
A Boy's Eye View of the Old Southwest
James K. Hastings 287
Washington Ellsworth Lindsey
(concluded) Ira C. Ihde 302
Checklist of New Mexico Publications
(continued) . . . Wilma Loy Shelton 325
Notes and Documents 332
Book Reviews 342
ILLUSTRATIONS
Map, Hillsboro Stage Line 91
Hillsboro Stagecoach 93
Lieut. Royal A. Prentice 261
Fort Union Chaplain Headquarters .... 277
Chalmers Lowell Pancoast 336
ERRATA
P. 347 — the author's name should read, Wyllys.
v<
^
Cx
1 4-
Palace of the Governors, Santa Fe
>
January, 1951
Editors
FRANK D. REEVE PAUL A. F. WALTER
Associates
PERCY M. BALDWIN GEORGE P. HAMMOND
FRANCE V. SCHOLES THEODOSIUS MEYER, O.F.M.
ARTHUR J. 0. ANDERSON
VOL. XXVI JANUARY, 1951 No. 1
CONTENTS
Page
Home on the Range
Ruth Tressman ... 1
The Gadsden Purchase Lands
J. J. Wagoner 18
On the Navaho Trail: the Campaign of 1860-61
Max L. Heyman, Jr 44
Checklist of New Mexico Publications (continued)
Wilma Loy Shelton 64
Notes and Documents 68
Book Reviews 83
THE NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW is published jointly by the Historical Society
of New Mexico and the University of New Mexico. Subscription to the quarterly ia
$3.00 a year in advance; single numbers, except those which have become scarce, are
$1.00 each.
Business communications should be addressed to Mr. P. A. F. Walter, State
Museum, Santa Fe, N. M. ; manuscripts and editorial correspondence should be
addressed to Prof. Frank D. Reeve, University of New Mexico, Albuquerque, N. M.
Entered as second-class matter at Stnta Fe, New Mexico
UNIVERSITY PRESS, ALBUQUERQUE, N. M.
NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL
REVIEW
VOL. XXVI JANUARY, 1951 No. 1
HOME ON THE RANGE
By RUTH TRESSMAN
IF a woman is considered a necessary component of a home,
homes on the range were almost non-existent in the
early days, say 1860-1880, in the Great West. Nor were such
homes as were established on the plains and farther west
made by the women the movies usually give us as "the West-
ern type." Though there eventually came to be many kinds of
range women as there were many kinds of range men, one
is at a loss to find one — even a half-breed — lying around in
sexy poses on any table, divan, or rock that is handy, as Jen-
nifer Jones did in "Duel in the Sun," or one who made an
analogy between breeding children and breeding stock in the
free terms used by the girl in "Red River," nor does one
find many as glamorous as Jane Russell nursing Billy the
Kid.
The few good women of the range were luxuries the aver-
age cowboy only dreamed he some day might afford. They
came sometimes from Kentucky, Tennessee, and other South-
ern states, occasionally from families with aristocratic tra-
ditions. Later, to ranches on the Great Plains, came women
from families that moved west from Illinois, Missouri, east-
ern Kansas. For the most part they came from conventional,
God-fearing families, and though necessity forced them to
adopt some independent attitudes, they did not try to change
to "Western" types. In fact they clung as tenaciously as en-
vironment would permit to the old ways in a new land. In
the South West the Spanish taught them a way of living
suited to the climate of Arizona and New Mexico. On the
Great Plains danger from Indians and lack of materials
largely determined the type of house they lived in, but on the
whole, their basic concepts, the guides by which they lived,
changed very little.1
No matter what the location or financial state of the
ranch wife, her resourcefulness was taxed by difficulties of
travel and by isolation and loneliness. The woman who lacked
buoyancy, adaptability, and some resources within herself
did not belong on the range. Even given these qualities, her
life expectancy, so the census of 1860 indicated, was shorter
than that of a man on the frontier.2 At present the life ex-
pectancy of an American woman exceeds that of the men
by several years. However, 1860 is a very early date. Things
changed rapidly in the West. Hence, if a woman had the
stamina to endure her first years on a ranch, she seems gen-
erally to have gained satisfaction from her life, an ability
to take things in her stride.
Most chronicles written by range women are optimistic.
For example, a traveler to Greeley, Colorado, in 1871, tells
how women in that locality seemed happy and laughed at
commiseration in spite of the still present fear of Indians.3
Another traveler, Meline, in 1866, reported the same attitude
held by a ranch woman near Colorado City.4 In like vein Mrs.
Sophie Poe, describing life in New Mexico in the 1870's and
1880's, indicates contentment and love for the country.4*
There was reason for this perhaps in the very geography
of the Plains-Mountains country. Something expansive about
life in this region may have counteracted any tendency
toward melancholia. Furthermore, the range woman prac-
tically had to be objective in her thinking. Usually there was
1. Nancy Wilson Ross, Westward the Women. Henry Holt & Co., 1944. Many
examples cited.
2. William F. Sprague, Women and the West. Christopher Publishing House, Bos-
ton, 1940, p. 118.
3. A few women who have written their reactions to range life say that it made
them broader minded, but one of these women was obviously scandalized by the fact
that a neighbor plowed for a woman other than his wife. cf. Clarice A. Richards, A
Tenderfoot Bride, p. 69.
4. Ibid., p. 107. This was, be it noted, before the terrific winter of 1866 which
led many Colorado ranchers to leave their ranches. Some of their deserted shacks may
still be seen in Western Colorado.
4a. Buckboard Days. Caldwell, Idaho, 1936.
HOME ON THE RANGE 3
not time to be otherwise. Also she gained satisfaction from
the respect with which she was treated in a country where
women were rare. At any rate, the life seems to have been
interesting and vital for women strong enough to endure the
physical strain, and the homes they created no doubt bene-
fited from this fact.
As has been said, a home of his own was something the
average cowboy dreamed about. What he called "home"
might be a large ranch house, headquarters, or a bunk house,
or a dugout he called his own. But a real home, so his songs
said, might necessitate his quitting his cowboy's life and was
likely to be left to some distant, happy future. As the song,
"The Old Chisholm Trail," has it,
When I thought of my girl, I nearly would cry,
I'll quit herdin' cows in the sweet bye and bye.
If later in life, he came into some money or his boss gave him
a stake, he might marry. Many range men never married, or
if they did, they moved back East or to town to a more shel-
tered existence.5 However, a few wealthy cowmen whom
luck, or the government, or the gods of free enterprise had
favored did have homes, generally speaking stable and happy
ones. The houses they owned varied greatly. Men from the
East or from foreign countries generally built better homes
than the typical Westerner. Some of these were "display"
houses. There are, for example, the Maxwell house at Fort
Sumner, New Mexico,6 the Kenedy house and others of Span-
ish style near the Rio Grande in Texas.7 But these are the
exceptions, not the rule of the range.
The lone cowboy waiting for a break does not seem to
have worried much about the home he could provide for a
girl — if he got the girl. His songs, very sentimental, tell of
the kind of girl he thought he wanted. "Snagtooth Sal" and
"Pretty Little Black-eyed Susan" were apparently both popu-
lar. Sometimes the cowboy was sensible, like the one who
made up the song about "Biscuit Shootin' Susie," the waitress
5. Tom Scott, Sing of America. Thomas Y. Crowell, 1947, p. 79.
6. Illustration in Sophie Poe, Blackboard Days, p. 100, and Wm. A. Keleher, Max-
wett Land Grant. Rydal Press, Santa Fe, p. 88.
7. Illustration in C. L. Douglas, Cattle Kings of Texas. Dallas, 1939, p. 99.
4 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
at the station. Sometime he bragged about all the girls he
knew — wishful thinking — and cast his vote for an outdoor
type rather than a "lady."
But, Lord, they're all ruffles an' beadin'
And drink fancy tea by the pail ;
I'm not used to that sort of stampedin'
Longside the Santa Fe Trail!8
Again he wanted her "all over gol-durned fluffs."9
The cowboy was not always considered such a good matri-
monial bet by families back east. One ballad sung by Lomax
warns the girls not to be fascinated by uncouth cowboys who
can only lead them to a hard life, and, when they come a'-
courtin', will look them over and have nothing better to say
than "Your Jonny-cake's burned." One cowboy rationalized
such a situation :9a
Her parents don't like me, they say I'm too poor;
They say I'm unworthy to enter her door.
I've no wife to quarrel, no babies to bawl ;
The best way of living is no wife at all. 10
Sometimes, of course, the cowboy got the girl. And when
he did, he treated her well according to his lights. Just how
the girl who was "all over gol-durned fluffs" managed if she
married the cowboy is another story. One thing is certain,
the saying that a trousseau is what the bride will wear for
the next five years was even more true on the early-day range
than now. A Sears-Roebuck trousseau, which by careful
choosing could be had for twenty dollars, was likely to have
to survive dust storms, insects, possibly a dirt floor, and
possibly a sod roof from which the mud trickled down in a
really good rain. Ole Olson, the slow, prosaic Swedish car-
penter back in Minneapolis, did much better by his wife in
the matter of housing than the "romantic" cowboy.11
Shelter did vary greatly, though, according to section and
8. John A. and Alan Lomax, Cowboy Songs and Other Frontier Ballads. The
Macmillan Co., 1947, p. 310.
9. P. A. Rollins, The Cowboy. Charles Scribner's Sons, 1936, p. 73.
9a. I do not believe in communal ownership of the ballads, so I see the author as
a definite individual.
10. Lomax, p. 165.
11. Sprague, p. 106.
HOME ON THE RANGE 5
means. There were the cabins and the great houses of Texas,
the sod house of Kansas, and the adobe house of New Mex-
ico.12 Because of this variety of types, houses will need dis-
cussion by areas, though many other factors which made up
a ranch woman's life were the same everywhere.
Texas ranch houses varied greatly. The earliest were on
ranches near the Gulf and the Mexican border and were rath-
er pretentious places worthy of feudal estates. There was a
great house related in type to the plantation homes of the
deep south on the Kenedy ranch, established by Captain
Mifflin Kenedy in the 1850's. Mexican influence prevails in
the house on the San Ygnacio ranch between Laredo and
Brownsville. This is a two-story house one-room deep with
balconies. It was built in the 1870's. An example of Mexican
brick work dating from mid-nineteenth century is the Car-
men ranch house near Brownsville.13 A typical ranch house
evolved near San Antonio has been described as having been
rectangular, one room deep, two or three rooms long with a pitched
roof extending over a porch or porches. The entire house was raised
off the ground (not a dugout), but was never more than one story in
height. Stone construction was used almost entirely, often stuccoed
or whitewashed; shingle roofs and long porches across the front were
further characteristics. There were fireplaces of stone, simple mantles,
plastered and white-washed walls and ceilings of wide boards.14
In Northwest Texas, where materials were scarce, houses
were even less pretentious. Pictures of Captain Doan's house
at a crossing of the Red River show an adobe home with a
long porch and fireplace, a shelter hardly adequate, which
was in its day a stopping place for senators and governors
as well as cattle men.15
In Western Texas and in the Panhandle a dugout was
likely to be the first headquarters house of a new ranch. But
women, then as now, objected to an underground existence.15*
12. Carl Coke Rister, Southern Plainsmen. University of Oklahoma Press, Norman,
1938, pp. 58-69.
13. Antiques, 53: 439 (June, 1948).
14. Texas; American Guide Series. Hastings House, 1947, p. 152.
15. J. M. Hunter, Trail Drivers of Texas. Nashville, Tenn., 1925, p. 776.
15a. Perhaps, eventually, men will have to solve the problem of control of the
atom bomb because women will simply refuse to live like moles in indefinite anticipation
of atomic war.
6 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
One woman won this battle against an underground exis-
tence. The story goes that when Mrs. Henry Campbell, wife
of a manager on the great Matador ranch, arrived at head-
quarters in 1878, she refused to live underground ; so a two
room shack was built from lumber hauled hundreds of miles
from Fort Griffin to Palo Duro. The shack was called the
"White House" because it was the seat of government of the
cattle empire.16
Various headquarters houses on the 3,000 acre XIT
ranch, also in the Panhandle, were comfortable frame homes,
surrounded by cottonwoods, very unpretentious. A two-room
cabin served as the first home of the Charles Goodnights,
though a larger home, built later, is the one existing today.
In contrast to these shelters for native Americans, a great
stone house was built for Goodnight's Scotch partner,
Adair.17
What of the women, when there were any, who inhabited
these houses? Texans seem to have been most successful in
establishing ranch homes in the 1860's and 1870's and most
reticent in saying anything about them.178 Men have written
world histories and in writing them have neglected women.
Hunter's collection of short autobiographies, Trail Drivers
of Texas, contains scattered references to wives and homes,
along with a few eulogies. However, it tells us very little
about what the women thought or how they fared. In the
1850's and through the early 1870's there was some danger
of Indian raids. A woman could pack a gun. She could also
brave the elements. Mrs. A. Burks, following the trail with
her husband, says she did not have a difficult time. She liked
camp, liked having the men in camp rival each other in find-
ing delicacies for her.18 A few women pictured in Hunter's
volume flourished in the later period of range history, when
Texas was rather less "hell on women," and seem always to
have been materially well off. But these women, remember,
16. Frank King, Wranglin' the Past. Trail's End Publishing Co., Pasadena, 1935,
1946, p. 85.
17. J. E. Haley, Charles Goodnight, Cowman and Plainsman. Houghton-Mifflin
Co., 1936, p. 814.
17a. Perhaps Texans were actually less negligent in this matter than men
generally.
18. Hunter, p. 29.
HOME ON THE RANGE 7
were the wives of the owners or managers of ranches, not
of the hired men on horseback. Their history, however, is
one part of our story.
Most famous among Texas ranch women was Mrs.
Charles Goodnight, who was a favorite among cowboys
throughout the Texas Panhandle. Mrs. Goodnight was a
southern "lady" and remained so. She supplied tact and un-
derstanding when those qualities were needed. Even though
the Goodnights were at one time very wealthy, they made no
display of wealth. Mrs. Goodnight sat at a table with their
cowboys and gave them berries she picked herself. Her
home at the JA Ranch headquarters for some years was a
two-room cabin. There were dugouts for the boys and a
bunk house, a mess house, and corrals.19 Of Mrs. Goodnight' s
isolation more will be said. Just now let us look at other
ranch homes.
Charles Siringo mentions several such homes, among
them that of Shanghai Pierce, by whose wife, Nanny, he had
been mothered in his youth. From what we know of Shanghai
Pierce's dominating personality and loud voice, we wonder
whether Nanny ever raised her voice above a whisper. We
can be quite sure she did not lack material comforts, Pierce
having had a way of having money even when everyone else
went broke, but all we really know of her is that she lived
at Rancho Grande headquarters.20 Siringo tells also of a trail
boss who married a farmer's daughter he met on a trip and
adds that, "The journey to the Panhandle of Texas was con-
tinued with a new girl cook to dish up the grub." For this
girl for a while a range home was the whole great outdoors.
Siringo himself, one of the greatest cowboys of them all,
"retired to a town" during the years of his marriage.21
On a large ranch there were men cooks, and one does not
often get a picture of an overworked wife slaving for the
boys. We have, however, one account of Texas ranch life by
the wife of a man not so prosperous. Mrs. Kruse, wife of a
trail driver, speaks of having moved into a little vacant
19. Haley, p. 314.
20. Charles Siringo, liiata and Spurs. Houghton-Mifflin Co., 1931, p. 11.
21. Ibid., p. 43.
8 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
shanty near a spring in Hayes county, without either floor or
chimney, chinked with mud which fell in when it rained. Her
husband built a chimney and floored the house. His wife,
meantime, baked thousands of biscuits for his trips up the
trail.22
Colorado ranch houses might be of either type, the dug-
out introduced by Anglo-Americans, or the adobe introduced
by Spanish Americans. The far greater number of temporary
ranch homes were crudely constructed dugouts. A dugout in
flat territory, if built in a conventional way, consisted of a
hole about four feet deep and walls built up about three feet
with sod. A ridge pole was placed across the center and
smaller poles were laid across these. On the poles were
placed brush, a layer of sod, and then a layer of earth.23 Even
after permanent buildings of adobe or stone were provided,
dugouts were still used as winter homes by line riders and
stock tenders.
In New Mexico, Spanish influence and climate often led
to the building of adobe dwellings by American settlers. Some
of these houses are the precursors of what the present-day
architect calls the "ranch-type" house. Among these are the
house of the famous John Chisum near Roswell and the head-
quarters house on the WS ranch near Las Vegas. Chisum
was a bachelor who kept a woman relative on the place to
make it a home, so his establishment fits my definition. The
house was long, low, rambling with long galleries. On pic-
tures, it looks like a frame house, but it is an adobe one with
wooden trim and picket fence. The furniture and everything
in it, Chisum said, cost "a sight of money." But this, remem-
ber, was his acquisition after forty years of sleeping "on old
mother earth's bosom." At any rate he made it a home to be
remembered by giving an occasional big dance and making
it generally known for hospitality.24 This home, somewhat
remodelled, still exists and is now the property of Cornell
University.25
22. Hunter, p. 16
23. Texas, American Guide Series, p. 154.
24. Poe, pp. 161-165.
25. New Mexico, American Guide Series. University of New Mexico, Albuquerque,
p. 153.
HOME ON THE RANGE 9
Other men besides Chisum wanted the best in homes and
home furnishings when fortune permitted. I have mentioned
the Maxwell House, a very pretentious place with rich fur-
nishings, whether the inmates thereof were happy or not.
The Dorsey ranch near it was described in the Las Vegas
Gazette, April 26, 1884 :
The Ranch of Dorsey is a large unpretentious adobe building situ-
ated in a wide, shallow arroyo, bordered by cottonwood trees and sur-
rounded by wire fence. Inside, the ranch is furnished magnificently,
especially the parlor, Dorsey's sleeping room and the guest rooms for
visitors, of which the house has several and which are in constant use.
A piano stands in the sitting room, which also contains a well selected
library and a completely appointed sideboard.26
Other homes were less pretentious. Mrs. Poe describes
her own first home on the VV Ranch ten miles from Lincoln,
New Mexico, a cabin the smallness of which at first dismayed
her. "A room on the north, another on the south, with the
kitchen between ; all so low that even I, barely five feet two
inches tall could stand upon a chair and touch the ceilings."
Each room had but one window. However, there were pine
planks on the floor because this was a log, not an adobe,
cabin. Each living room had a large fire place, the kitchen a
large wood-burning range with a large reservoir for water
heating. There was a long table, for guests must always be
fed.27 Mrs. Poe mentions having seen other small ranch
dwellings between Las Vegas and Roswell in 1883 and hav-
ing wondered about the women who lived in them, for this
section at this time was being divided into smaller ranches.
Agnes Morley Cleaveland describes the ranch home of a
family that started out with some money. Her mother,
widowed from her first husband, and soon to be separated
from her second, built a ten-room ranch house on a side hill.
There were gray shingles, white veranda pillars. Into it went
a piano, wagon loads of books, some pieces of fine furniture
brought from Iowa. Though the Cleaveland ranch was any-
thing but prosperous at times, the cultured mother continued
26. Quoted by Keleher, p. 139. A picture of the WS Ranch is in J. J. Cook,
Fifty Years on the Frontier. New Haven, 1943, p. 162.
27. Poe, p. 217.
10 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
to create, somehow, a home in which English was correctly
spoken, children were expected to go to college, and a feeling
of family pride and solidarity prevailed.
Several accounts of the difficulties of bringing pianos
across the desert for the cultural advantage of young daugh-
ters attest to the rancher's desire to maintain some culture
and some of the graces of life in his Western home. He
learned, too, to provide his wife with an excavated store
room — a cellar to Northerners.28 The average woman in an
adobe dwelling wanted most of all a floor, and she got it.
So, with a great effort, the women brought some of the
amenities of life to the Southwest simply by insisting on hav-
ing them. In fact, as nearly as one can tell from pictures and
written accounts, they fared rather better than their sisters
farther north in the 1880's.
In general plan the typical ranch headquarters of the
Northwest was not so different from that of the Goodnights
in Texas. Granville Stuart mentions "a few log cabins com-
prising a bunkhouse, a cook house, blacksmith shop, stable,
corral, and hay land enough fenced to cut tons of hay."29
Hough says that if a ranch house was very modern, it might
have shingles, with a porch and veranda taking the place of
the midway hall.30 It might have a huge fireplace, a big "can-
non" stove, and rough bunks lining the walls on either side.31
Pictures of these ranches in the Northwest are depressing.
Roosevelt's famous ranch in the North Dakota Bad Lands
was no exception.32
An employee on a ranch often lived in a sod house, con-
sidered good enough for an "old batch." In the way of a
dwelling he had very little to offer a woman. Suppose our
man is a line-man working for an absentee owner. Emerson
Hough describes his possible home :
Linecamps or out-dwellings for the men would still be of the old
style — the walls perhaps of logs or sod, the roof being perhaps laid
with rude half -tiles hollowed out of divided saplings and laid so that
28. Mary Kidder Rak, A Cowman's Wife- The Macmillan Co., 1938. pp. 9-11.
29. Granville Stuart, Forty Years on the Frontier. Cleveland, 1925, II, 239.
30. Emerson Hough, The Story of a Cowboy. Appleton-Century, 1938, p. 39.
31. 76fd.
32. Briggs, p. 248.
HOME ON THE RANGE 11
they "broke joints," the edges of two convex ones fitted in the hollow
of one concaved, so that the water would thus be carried off as it is on
a tile roof so fitted. Over this might be a covering of small logs, willow
boughs and grass, and over all, dirt.33
The homesteader's home was likely to be like this, too; a
popular ballad asks for a girl to share "the little old sod
shanty on my claim."34
At least one Montana ranch wife, young and possessed of
a gay heart, has left us a record of the particular home she
had, which she considered better than most. She had a log
cabin and a spring house, which gave her perpetual running
water, and extra tents for overflow cowboys and guests. This
was in 1887. She wrote back home to Illinois :
You ask what I do with my washing. Why I wash it, iron it, wear it,
and wash it again. I have every convenience, and I do not lift a pail
of water or turn a wringer or clean up. We have splendid water under
the spring house. My kitchen is large and I have no trouble providing
for all the men by putting the two tables together. There is no need
of furnishing napkins for G — and I and Ed are the only ones of the
crowd who ever saw one. I made four cream pies and a cocoanut pie
yesterday, and how quickly they vanished before the hungry boys.35
If the Southern ranch wife was better off in the matters
of housing and climate, the Northern woman could more
easily provide a balanced diet for her family. The Montana
ranch woman mentioned above said that she had plenty of
milk and eggs, that neighbors brought potatoes and other
vegetables, that meat included beef, antelope, rabbit, wild
turkey, chicken, and venison. She mentions a dinner of hot
biscuit (she had baking powder and white flour) , and veni-
son steak, tomatoes, cream pie and coffee. She added happily
that her guests "thought they would call again when they got
hungry."36
On the ranches of the Southwest little food was grown,
so a woman had to work harder to accomplish less in a culi-
nary way. A New Mexican diet was likely to consist of meat,
33. Ibid., p. 346.
34. Lomax, p. 405.
35. William M. Thayer, Marvella of the West. Henry Bill Publishing Co., Nor-
wich, Conn., 1888, p. 608.
36. Ibid., p. 615.
12 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
potatoes, beans, sow-belly (salt pork) , dried fruit and canned
goods. Cakes were baked somehow for parties, eggs or no
eggs. The woman who could bring around a recipe for an
eggless cake was a blessing to her neighbors, for eggs were
rare. We hear of "jerky" — a kind of home-dried beef the
beginnings of which do not sound appetizing. Indians from
Santa Fe sometimes peddled fruit to settlers farther south.37
In Texas and on the Southern Plains generally cornbread
and molasses were staples of the diet, as were also bacon and
beans. White flour was a luxury anywhere, costing as much
as $25 a barrel or more.38 In summer, camp fires provided a
good means of cooking. Bread could be baked in a Dutch oven
and corn pones on heated rocks of the hearthstone.39 Women
soon learned to bake sour-dough biscuit, a masculine inven-
tion born of necessity.
About clothes the range woman was chronically conven-
tional and feminine. She persisted in wearing what were then
considered lady-like clothes, even when these clothes were
clumsy and out of keeping with the life she led.40 She wore
a skirt and rode side-saddle, or she split the skirt moderately
if she straddled her horse. She made clothes if the nearest
store offered any cloth. The Sears-Roebuck catalog kept her
fairly well informed about style — Sears-Roebuck version.
(In fact, the catalog took the monotony from many a quiet
evening with the family and so contributed much to the sta-
bility of home life on the range.)
Sophie Poe tells of a visit from a younger sister from
Illinois, who brought the first bustle to one section of New
Mexico in the 1880's. Sister's bustles were stuffed with old
newspapers, but since newspapers were rare in New Mexico,
wire contraptions were soon concocted to make the bustles
bustle properly.41 The Western woman did not want her
clothes to be different from those of her Eastern sister. She
just had a harder time coming by the latest fashions, and
37. Cleaveland, pp. 169-164.
38. Hunter, p. 876.
89. Rister, pp. 74-75.
40. Look Magazine's volume of pictures, The Santa Fe Trail, shows styles of
the West.
41. Sprague, p. 175.
HOME ON THE RANGE 13
she was likely to have too much sewing to do for the children
to worry about her own dress.
Another function of the pioneer ranch home was nursing
the sick in one's own or a neighbor's family. The subject is
worth a paper in itself, so I shall mention here only a few of
the remedies that might be administered. To purify the blood,
there were sulphur and molasses, sassafras and sage tea. For
snakebite one used chicken entrails, if one had the chicken, to
draw out the poison. Wet earth served for bites and stings,
sunflower seed soaked in whiskey for rheumatism.42 There
are tales of using whiskey for smallpox (it killed), and to-
bacco (Bull Durham) and onion leave for gangrene (it
cured.) In addition, the endless patent medicines were on the
home shelf. Every household felt its responsibility to a neigh-
bor in times of illness, for doctors were few and usually far
away.
Nor were women the only dispensers of remedies in a
ranch home. When a woman was ill, we are told, cowboys
brought every kind of kill-or-cure medicine they had ever
used for anything.43 Why more people did not die from the
cures I do not know, except that range constitutions were
strong. Suffice it to say here that these attempts at doctoring
evidence the feeling of responsibility for one's neighbor
which was a definite part of ranch life.
So much has been said about the hospitality of the ranch
home that more seems superfluous. Everyone knows about
cowboy dances, in hall or home, to which men and women
rode fifty miles, each woman bringing a cake and possibly
carrying a fresh dress in a flour sack attached to her saddle.
There was also the day-to-day hospitality which might neces-
sitate the preparing of three dinners in one day if friends or
strangers happened in in sequence and not simultaneously.44
Friend or stranger or even enemy, whoever happened by,
had to be fed.45
Whether the ranch woman really worked with cattle de-
pended on the circumstances and the woman. If she were
42. Cleaveland, pp. 146-148.
43. Rollins, p. 73.
44. Ross, p. 174.
45. Thayer, p. 610.
14 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
alone, a widow possibly, she might have had to do so. Some-
times she did so from choice.46 Usually she was not expected
to do rough work, but emergencies might demand it.47
Children on the range were financial assets. At an early
age, fourteen or younger, a boy could rope a steer. Even
younger children could ride many miles for mail or to deliver
messages. Children could spot a maverick or a cow ear-
marked but not branded and could report cows that had
"bogged down." The average ranch home was a good home
for a child, partly because he was an economic asset rather
than a liability, as he or she sometimes is in our cities. Such
a child took responsibility young, but he also felt secure and
"wanted" in his home. Nor was a ranch child likely to be
nagged or over-protected. A boy might stay away from home
all day.48 He might have said, like Robert Frost's farmer,
"Home is the place where, when you have to go there, they
have to take you in." At any rate the ranch child learned
early to be observing and to rely on himself.
Much — possibly too much — has been said of the loneliness
and trials of range life. Careful dating is necessary in any
account of such hardship and loneliness on the frontier. Some
of our earliest accounts of frontier life were written by wives
of army men and by travelers. In Texas the Rangers pre-
ceded the ranchers. The account of experiences of an army
wife on the Santa Fe Trail in 1847 by Susan Magoffin,
though illuminating, is not a ranch woman's experience.49
Nor is the diary of the beautiful and ill-fated Narcissa Whit-
man,50 wife of a missionary to the Indians, representative of
a ranch wife's experience. Pamelia Mann, famous for having
put General Houston in his place, was the aggressive hotel
manager produced by a boom town.51 Though accounts of
these women give some picture of life in the West, they be-
46. Cleaveland, p. 26.
47. Mary Kidder Rak, writing; of life on an Arizona ranch in the 1900's, says
she preferred work with cows to indoor work.
48. Cleaveland, pp. 103-104.
49. Susan Magoffin, Down the Santa Fe Trail Ed. by Stella Drum. Yale Univer-
sity Press, 1926.
50. Bernard de Vote, Across the Wide Missouri. The Houghton-Mifflin Co., 1947,
p. 252.
51. Frank J. Dobie gives an account of her in The Flavor of Texas. Dallas, 1936.
HOME ON THE RANGE 15
long to days earlier than the great days of the range. Not
that hardship, loneliness and danger were not real in ranch
history. They were so. But our range country developed so
fast that in making any generalization one must know
whether one is talking about the 1860's or the 1890's and
whether the date was early for a given section.
In early days in any section some women were likely to
be alone for long periods of time. Mrs. Charles Goodnight
was almost entirely alone for six months in 1876-77, her
nearest neighbor having been seventy-five miles away. Mrs.
Thomas Bugbee, also of the Texas Panhandle, had a similar
experience.52 Mrs. M. Looscan, an early settler in Texas,
considered that the strength needed in the early days was
against "invisible" danger — just a fear of what might hap-
pen with no one near.53 Agnes Morley Cleaveland comments,
"It was this deadly staying at home month in and month out
keeping a place of refuge for their men when they returned
from their f arings forth that called for the greater courage,
I think."54 She cites the example of a Mrs. Eugene Manning,
alone with a small son for many months. Sophie Poe men-
tiones lack of company in her first ranch winter, except for
her dog and an occasional visit to her nearest neighbor, Mrs.
Pat Garrett, a Spanish-American woman with whom she
could not speak.55 Even a man could be long without company
of his own type. May Rhodes quotes her husband: "For
years I was the only settler in a country larger than the state
of Delaware."56 But these days passed. Mrs. Nannie Alder-
son, who had minded being left alone at roundup time in
1883, says that by 1906 in Montana "loneliness was a thing
of the past."57
Whatever may have been the experience of the earliest
settlers (Narcissa Whitman was apparently breaking under
the strain before the Indian massacre), one hears very lit-
52. Haley, p. 459.
63. Mrs. Looscan is quoted in D. G. Wooten, A Comprehensive History of Texas.
Dallas, 1938, p. 649.
54. Cleaveland, pp. 156-157.
55. Poe, p. 221.
56. May D. Rhodes, The Hired Man on Horseback. Riverside Press, Cambridge,
1938, p. 27.
57. Nannie Alderson, A Bride Goes West. Farrar and Rinehart, 1942, pp. 59, 271.
16 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
tie of mental difficulties brought on by loneliness in later
years. One reason is that the woman who went west was a
young woman full of optimism. Ranch life was hard — yes.
But the West was developing so rapidly in the 70's and 80's
that by the time the thrill of newness and the enthusiasm of
youth had worn off, the nearest neighbors were closer. Chil-
dren, too, contributed to the sanity of their mothers. Just
try brooding over your state some day with a four-year-old
child around! Again be it remembered, a ranch woman
gained security from the esteem in which she was held. All
sources agree that after the danger of Indian attacks had
passed, a woman was safe in the Cattle Country. Though
now and then a stranger or a pilfering Indian might give
rise to some real apprehension, a ride across the average
ranch in 1889 was probably safer from masculine inter-
ference than a walk down a big city's street on an evening
in 1950.
To a woman's sense of importance and security in the
West may be attributed the Western woman's early interest
in Women's Rights,58 paradoxical as that statement may
sound. For one thing, the Western woman wanted a better
world and was trying to build one. For another, operating
socially as she did in a "seller's market," she could afford to
think and talk independently without danger of losing favor
with the men in her social group. So in the later days of range
history ranch women took active interest in things outside
their family and neighborhood circles. That all this made
her home happier would be hard to prove. One can say there
is more companionship where people can talk things over
on a more equal basis. However, one simply cannot measure
the spiritual and social qualities of a home as one can its
physical dimensions. In general, what broadens the interests
of any member of a family, if it can be shared, makes for
good human relations ; but in the ranch family good human
relations had always existed — or else the men and women
who were poorly adjusted to their environments just did not
write memoirs.
58. Anne Ellis tells about this early interest in Plain Anne Ellis. Houghton-
Mifflin. 1931, pp. 188-194.
HOME ON THE RANGE 17
Family life on the range was likely to be stable — if there
was money. This sounds mercenary. However, in reading
of pioneer families generally, one finds that the unstable ones
were those in which money and goods needed for some
measure of security were absent. A woman might look for a
better provider for her children. A man might get into a
shooting fracas and just leave. But usually there were family
stability and tranquility. Ranch families belonged to a stable
class. In Colorado, for example, people like the Iliffs and the
Snyders were a conservative, almost puritanical, element in
the population. They were people of good social standing, in-
terested in schools and roads and in their own and their
neighbor's children. Perhaps the most characteristic thing
of them is that they had time to help each other and in doing
so contributed to their individual and family well-being.
THE GADSDEN PURCHASE LANDS
By J. J. WAGONER
THE problem of dividing the range into profitable units
has existed in Arizona since the open grasslands com-
menced to be overcrowded. The old policy of grazing out the
range and moving on had become impossible by the 80's. Per-
manent location and the opportunity to develop necessitated
proper land legislation. Unfortunately, the federal land laws
were based upon an arbitrary, eastern-conceived number of
acres rather than upon the possibilities of utilization and
production.1 Though the rancher in a semi-arid region
usually required at least four sections to adequately support
his family, no provision for the acquisition of the requisite
amount was ever written into a federal statute.2
Whenever possible, Arizona cattlemen obtained legal
control of ranch holdings and fenced the area. However, in-
vestment in land valued from a few dollars to fifty or more
was not extremely attractive,3 so a more common procedure
involved staking a water claim and using the surrounding
open range lands. The Homestead Act of 1862 provided for
the free distribution of 160-acre farms, which ultimately
caused the break-up of the cattlemen's open range. Yet it
furnished immediate basis for securing grants along natural
streams and consequently control over adjacent lands.4 Large
organizations frequently arose when cowboys took home-
steads and transferred them after five years to their
employers.5
Additional land was obtainable under the Timber and
Culture Act of March 13, 1873, which was a variation, not a
modification, of the Homestead Act.6 Supposedly, title to
1. A. B. Hart, "The Disposition of Our Public Lands," Quarterly Journal of
Economics, I, No. 2 (January, 1887), p. 182.
2. John W. Powell, Report on the Lands of the Arid Region, 2nd. ed., pp. 23-24.
3. Arizona Citizen, September 25, 1876.
4. 12 Statutes at Large, p. 392.
5. Clare M. Love, "History of the Cattle Industry in the Southwest," pt. 2,
Southwestern Historical Quarterly, XX, No. 1 (July, 1916), p. 7.
6. 17 Statutes at Large, p. 605.
18
j^
GADSDEN PURCHASE LANDS 19
one-quarter section was granted in return for the cultiva-
tion of forty acres of timber over a period of ten years. But it
was impossible to legislate forests into the arid regions, and
by judicious fraud the Act was made just another means of
increasing the size of land holdings.7
By 1875 the need for liberality in the disposition of West-
ern land was obvious. President Grant recommended the en-
actment of laws recognizing the limitation of certain arid
lands for pasturage.8 Two years later, on March 3, the Desert
Land Act became a statute,9 the initial modification of the
land system in the interests of cattlemen in southern Arizona.
The increase of the number of acres to 640 was definitely a
concession, and the requirement for irrigation within three
years and the payment of $1.25 per acre presented only tem-
porary obstructions.
The desert entry was profitable to stockmen since it could
be held three years for twenty-five cents an acre. According
to the 1877 report of the Surveyor-General of Arizona, nearly
a hundred declaratory statements had been filed under the
Act by October, actual residents of the territory comprising
the majority of applicants. The early grantees in Pima
County included several erstwhile pioneers, namely Thomas
and Samuel Hughes, E. N. Fish, A. P. K. Safford, Franklin
and Don A. Sanford, and Sabino Otero.10 To fully conform
with irrigation provisions, such honest settlers and ranchers
were often compelled to take their land in zigzag shape,
thereby confining it to the proximity of streams. One claim
on unsurveyed lands, for example, had forty-four corners.11
But on October 1, entries were temporarily suspended and
7. Walter P. Webb, The Great Plains, p. 412.
8. Congressional Record, 44 Cong., 1 Sess., pt. 1, p. 32.
9. Statutes at Large, p. 377. By 26 Statutes at Large, p. 391, only 320 acres
could be acquired.
10. Arizona Citizen, August 11, 1877. The first twenty-four locaters and the quan-
tities of land received are as follows : John Moore 640 acres ; Thomas Hughes 320 ;
Samuel Hughes 280.21; E. N. Fish 640; James Southerland 160; S. A. Parkinson 320;
J. P. Cramer 160; R. A. Wilbur 640; J. C. Handy 640; Pedro Aguirre 640; Thomas
Elias 640 ; Juan Elias 320 ; Sabino Otero 640 ; A. P. K. Safford 640 ; S. R. DeLong
640; W. B. Coyle 640; William Eustis 640; Franklin Sanford 639.64; Don A. Sanford
640; Thomas Driscoll 640; H. B. Govern 640; F. Maish 640; C. M. Dullard 640; and
Alvan Smith 640 acres.
11. Ibid., October 27, 1877.
20 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
investigations were made to determine and set aside lands
which were strictly agricultural.12
Of the first twenty-four claims, six were disallowed be-
cause they were located on Mexican land grants.13 Charles
D. Poston, Registrar at the Florence land office, was in-
formed by J. A. Williamson, Commissioner of the General
Land Office, in a letter dated August 9, 1877, that section
eight of the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo must be enforced ;14
squatters on the Arivaca grant were to be apprised of their
inability to secure titles under the public land laws.
Not the least benefactors of the law were speculators.
United States Surveyor-General of Arizona, John Hize,
wrote in 1887 that perjury was frequently committed and
that certain parties obtained as much as four to five thousand
acres under the law by illegal methods.15 Their schemes were
difficult to counteract, since they fulfilled the requirements
of the land offices in filing application and paying twenty-five
cents per acre down. By 1887 no less than half the claimants
who had taken up 405,797 acres in the Gila land district were
non-resident speculators. Out of 199,026 acres filed upon dur-
ing the fiscal years 1885-87, for example, 113,178 acres went
to people who resided outside the territory.16
The frauds as to reclamation of the desert lands easily
became the rule rather than the exception. Some idea of the
preference for desert land entries is indicated by the official
reports of the United States Land Office at Tucson. The area
of public lands entered and selected in the southern district
for the year ending June 30, 1890, totaled 118,692.79 acres,
of which over half, 62,589.53 acres, was contained in desert
land entries. Lands pre-empted, 22,900 acres, and homestead
entries, 21,199.26 acres, were followed by 11,779.63 acres
12. Ibid., October 13, 1877.
13. Ibid., August 25, 1877. The BIX claimants were Wilbur, Handy, Aguirre,
Thomas and Juan Elias, and DeLong.
14. See 9 Statutes at Large, p. 929. Article VIII of the February 2, 1848, treaty
provided that property belonging to Mexicans in ceded territories must be inviolably
respected. Also see 10 Statutes at Large, Art. V, p. 1035 whereby Article VIII was
made applicable to the Gadsden Purchase area.
15. "Report of the Surveyor-General of Arizona," Report of the Secretary of
Interior, 1887-1888, p. 604.
16. Ibid., p. 605.
GADSDEN PURCHASE LANDS 21
of timber-culture lands and only 226.37 acres of mineral
lands.17
Obviously, modification of the law was inevitable and in
August, 1890, the amount of land which one person could
acquire was reduced to 320 acres.18 The following year an-
other proviso stipulated that improvements equal to $3 per
acre ($1 per year for three years) for reclamation purposes
must be added, that one-eighth of the entry should be put
under cultivation, and that only residents of the state or
territory where the land was situated had the privilege of
entry.19 Needless to say, speculation tended to decline.
Sometimes, however, the cattle barons themselves re-
tarded settlement under the land acts by enclosing large
areas with barbed wire fences. They chose the best-watered
sites and left no gates ; the land was "their range" and late
comers were treated as intruders.20 It was not until Febru-
ary 25, 1885, that Congress prohibited all enclosure of the
public domain except under a title legally applied for.21
There were many violations of the law as cattlemen at-
tempted to resist the settler and small stockman. J. S. Hans-
ford was one of many who were prevented from residing on
their homestead entries by ranchers. Judge William Walker,
Acting Commissioner of the General Land Office, advised him
in September, 1885, to inform the United States District At-
torney and seek remedy in the county and state courts.22
Other settlers were more aggressive. In June, 1893, the
four-mile fence erected by Colin Cameron for the Calabasas
Company was cut down ; the fence was on the south side of
the land grant and encompassed what many dissident citizens
of the Nogales area considered to be public domain.23 Ap-
parently the company had fenced land originally claimed un-
der the Calabasas grant from the Mexican Government ; yet
much of the land had been wrested by the courts and trans-
ferred to the public domain.24 Consequently, in March, 1899,
Mr. S. J. Holzinger, special agent for the General Land Of-
17. Report of the Governor of Arizona to the Secretary of Interior, 1890, p. 8.
18. 26 Statutes at Large, p. 391. 21. Exec. Doc. 166. 49 Cong., 2 Sess., p. 1.
19. Ibid., p. 1096. 22. Arizona Daily Star, September 17, 1885.
20. Love, op. tit., pp. 4-7. 23. Tempe News, June 10, 1893.
22 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
fice of the Department of Interior, notified Messrs. Cameron,
Wise, et. al. in the vicinity of Nogales, Calabasas, and along
the Santa Cruz to remove their illegal fences within sixty
days.25 Thus a victory over the large land grabbers was
attained.
Quite often the lack of fences created problems relatively
as great. Friction between the commanding officer of Fort
Grant and cattlemen of the locality illustrates the point.
Since no fence surrounded the reservation, cattle frequently
strayed over the boundaries for water or grass and soldiers
invariably chased them away. The officer in charge even
threatened to have the animals shot, and several were. The
infuriated ranchmen sought redress, arguing that the gov-
ernment should construct a fence; but their protestations
were in vain.26
The lack of fences likewise accentuated quarrels between
cattlemen and sheepmen because no authoritative method of
limiting their respective ranges existed. The rapid settle-
ment of southern Arizona in the 80's and 90's was accom-
panied by a limitation of the public domain adapted for graz-
ing. With no written law covering the subject, a tacit recog-
nition of range rights, based upon occupation and improve-
ment, had arisen. Yet encroachments by sheepmen upon es-
tablished cattle ranges was inevitable, and technically all
classes of livestock were equally entitled to the untaxed pub-
lic domain.
Nevertheless, it seemed unjust for sheepmen to be permit-
ted the privilege of driving their flocks from the northern
to the southern portion of the territory during the winter
months.27 The short invasions proved most destructive to the
cattle ranges, be they titled or merely possessory. Conse-
quently, a demand began in the late 1890's for the govern-
mental control of grazing on the public domain and the pro-
tection of the equitable rights of all concerned.28
24. Oasis, February 18, 1899.
25. Ibid., March 25, 1899.
26. Ibid., August 20, 1898.
27. Message of Governor N. O. Murphey to the Twenty-first Legislative Assembly
of the Territory of Arizona, January 23, 1901.
28. Report of the Governor, op. cit., 1899, p. 14.
GADSDEN PURCHASE LANDS 23
But before continuing with the story of the distribution
and control of the public domain, it seems feasible that the
concomitant national policy in regard to the Mexican land
grants should be related. The grants in the territory were
less numerous than in New Mexico or California, and were
confined to southern Arizona.
As in all other territorial acquisitions of the United
States, the question of the validity of land titles was involved
in the Gadsden Purchase. In Article V of the Gadsden Treaty
(signed at Mexico City on December 30, 1853, and pro-
claimed June 30, 1854), the United States was bound to
recognize the validity of all land titles.29 However, the next
article provided that the titles must have been recorded in
the archives of Mexico ; and a Mexican law of November 14,
1853, had declared null all alienations of public lands made
by the states and departments.30 Obviously, the law was
passed in anticipation of the sale of northern Sonora to the
United States, and to remove objections which that nation
might have to large holdings granted in the area by the State
of Sonora to Mexican citizens. At least the law was repealed
within a year after the signing of the Treaty.
In 1873, Mr. Rufus C. Hopkins of the Interior Depart-
ment made a full examination of the Mexican archives for
official registers of land grants made by the Mexican Govern-
ment in Arizona. The territory north of Zacatecas was judi-
cially subject to the audiencia of Guadalajara, but no docu-
ments relative to the lands were found in that city ; however,
the desired information might have been destroyed in the
conflagration of 1858 (or 1859) .31
Eventually the status of all the southern Arizona grants
was determined by Congressional confirmation or rejection,
though in some cases the titles were so complicated and ques-
tionable as to require ultimate adjudication by the Supreme
Court. In 1854 the office of the Surveyor-General of New
Mexico, which then included Arizona, was established and
assigned as one of its principal duties the investigation of
29. 10 Statutes at Large, p. 1035.
30. Arizona Citizen, March 25, 1876.
31. Sen. Exec. Doc. 3, 43 Cong., 2 Sess., pp. 1-6. A search of the archives of
Spain might have resulted in locating the documents.
24 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
the Mexican land claims.32 Similarly, in 1870, it became the
function of the Surveyor-General of Arizona, then John Was-
son, to check these claims and report upon their validity to
the Secretary of Interior, who in turn submitted the reports
to Congress.33
After commencing his work in 1879, the Surveyor-
General learned that the majority of grants had been aban-
doned as worthless by the original grantees for periods of
ten years or more, and that speculators, mainly from Cali-
fornia, had traced down the heirs and purchased their rights
for practically nothing.34 By 1888 the Surveyor-General had
examined and reported favorably on thirteen of the grants
and unfavorably upon two.35 Finally in 1891 the whole sub-
ject was referred to a specially created Court of Private Land
Claims, which assumed jurisdiction over titles originating
under the authority of Spain or Mexico.36 The court com-
pleted its work in 1904, having confirmed 116,540 acres of
land out of 837,680 acres claimed.37
The legal procedure for each claim was too involved to be
adequately discussed here.38 However, the final settlements
made by the Court of Private Land Claims and the United
States Supreme Court were important in the organization of
large ranch units in southern Arizona. The grants which
were left intact became the largest titled properties in the
territory, and large squatter establishments on the lands
rejected by the courts were also given secure titles. On the
disallowed San Rafael del Valle claim, for example, the titles
of the Packard, Greene, and Lewis Springs ranches were
settled.39
Validity of Baca Float number three was not determined
until later. Homesteaders who had entered the grant were
benefactors of paternalistic legislation, since settlers evicted
32. 10 Statutes tit Large, p. 308.
83. 16 Statutes at Large, p. 304.
84. "Report of the Surveyor-General of Arizona," op. eft., p. 606.
85. Sen. Exec. Doc. 93, 48 Cong., 1 Seas., p. 158.
36. 26 Statutes at Large, p. 854.
37. Ibid. In Appendices I and II will be found a detailed list of the grants, their
location, claimants, as well as area claimed, confirmed, and rejected.
88. Annual Report of the Attorney-General of the United States for the Year
1904, House Doc. 9, 58 Cone., 3 Sess., p. 109.
89. Tombstone Epitaph, April 1, 1894.
GADSDEN PURCHASE LANDS 25
by the local courts were authorized to select "in lieu" lands
twice the area of the land entries made prior to December 13,
1917.40
Meanwhile, by the early 1900's, several bills had been
introduced in Congress to provide for the leasing and fencing
of the public domain ; but they failed in passage because no
adequate classification of lands had been made to distinguish
grazing from farming lands. In December, 1905, President
Theodore Roosevelt urged Congress to increase the size of
homesteads so that a family might be sufficiently supported.41
The Enlarged Homestead Act of 1909 modified the act of
1862 ;42 yet the 320-acre entries simply furnished an addit-
ional bad effect on range management in that the number of
small units, uneconomical for grazing purposes, was
increased.
It was not until 1916 that Congress recognized the exist-
ence of the cattle industry in the West. Until the Grazing
Homestead Act was passed, not a single land law had favored
the cattleman.43 But the 640-acre maximum entry was still
too small. The arid, non-irrigable land obtainable had only a
carrying capacity of about thirty head to the section. Most
stock raisers considered at least one hundred cattle necessary
for a competent living. Thus southern Arizona cowmen were
presented with another law based upon a fundamental eco-
nomic error.44 As the grazing homesteader selected the best
lands, his activities drove out the open-range cattlemen who
had become adjusted to arid conditions.45
With no control over the public range nor means of deter-
mining grazing rights of the occupants, the stock raising
industry had become a struggle for existence. National
legislation was definitely necessary to prevent the gradual
destruction of the range through overgrazing, and to build up
40. 42 Statutes at Large, p. 108 ; 44 Statutes at Large, pt. 2, p. 299.
41. Congressional Record, 59 Cong., Spec. Sen. Sess., XL, pt. 1, p. 100.
42. 35 Statutes at Large, p. 639 et. seq.
43. 39 Statutes at Large, p. 362 et. seq.
44. Anonymous, "The Public Domain and the Stock-Raising Homestead Law,"
American Forestry, XXIII, No. 280 (April, 1917), p. 243.
45. E. O. Wooton, "The Relation of Land Tenure to the Use of the Arid Grazing
Lands of the Southwestern States," U.S.D.A. Bulletin No. 1001 (February 23, 1922),
p. 48.
26 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
its carrying capacity through regulated use. For ten years
or more prior to the inception of the Grazing Homestead Act,
the Arizona Cattle Growers' Association consistently advo-
cated the administration of the public domain under federal
control similar in operation to supervision of the national
forest by the Forest Service.46
The letter of Governor George W. P. Hunt to President
Coolidge, dated April 9, 1926, expressed the desires of an-
other group regarding the public domain. Though a consider-
able portion of the remaining unreserved lands was
practically worthless, it seemed unjust to Hunt that it be
kept in possession of the Federal Government for the main-
tenance of nonproductive clerks rather than the state tax
rolls.47 But the first national law to provide for regulated
control of the unappropriated grazing lands and for diver-
sion of certain revenues derived therefrom to the states was
the Taylor Grazing Act of June 28, 1934.48 The stated pur-
pose of the bill is
to stop injury to the public grazing lands by preventing overgrazing
and soil deterioration, to provide for their orderly use, improvement,
and development, to stabilize the livestock industry dependent upon the
public range, and for other purposes.
In order to achieve these goals, grazing districts were to
be established. Permits to graze livestock thereon would be
issued to stock owners (preference to contiguous owners of
land or water rights) entitled to participate in the use of the
range, upon the payment annually of reasonable fees based
upon the carrying capacity. Permits were granted up to ten
years, renewal being subject to the discretion of the Secre-
tary of Interior. Fences, wells, reservoirs, and other needed
improvements could be constructed within the grazing dis-
tricts. In fact, twenty-five per cent of all fees received is
46. Dwight B. Heard, "The Public Range and Present plans for its Control."
Proceedings of the Ninth Annual Meeting of the Arizona Cattle Growers' Association,
1916, p. 65.
47. Congressional Record, 69 Cong., 1 Sess., LXVII, pt. 7, pp. 7362-64 ; see also
Message of Governor George W. P. Hunt to the First Regular Session of the Eighth
Arizona Legislature, January 10, 1927, p. 80.
48. 48 Statutes at Large, pt. 1, pp. 1269-76 ; amended by 49 Statutes at Large, p.
976 and 53 Statutes at Large, p. 1002.
GADSDEN PURCHASE LANDS 27
expended for range improvement, 12 ]/% per cent being allo-
cated to the counties where the fees are collected.
During the year 1935 no permits were issued Arizona
stockmen because no land classification had been made by
which the commensurate value of properties could be deter-
mined. However, temporary licenses subject to revocation by
the Secretary of Interior were provided.49 Gradually ten-year
licenses were introduced.
Arizona ranchers were particularly interested in Section
15 of the Act, and also in General Land Office Circular
Number 1336 regarding the leasing of federal lands. No
application was accepted for less than 640 acres or more than
3,840 acres and only land adjoining patented land was
leased.50 All isolated tracts not included in grazing districts
were leased to contiguous owners, or sold to highest bidder
if not in excess of 760 acres. The grazing fee rate in grazing
districts in Arizona from 1935 to May 1, 1947, was five
cents per animal unit per month.51 The Bureau of Land Man-
agement in Phoenix, which has control over the grazing
lands covered by Section 15, uses a formula based on the car-
rying capacity of grazing lands to determine fees. Thus the
rancher is not compelled to overgraze to secure the full value
of his rental.
A popular feature of the Taylor Grazing Act is the diver-
sion of fifty per cent of the fees returned to the state for the
benefit of the counties in which the lands are situated.
Though most southern Arizona counties are either outside
or only partially within grazing districts, they receive some
remuneration.52 In 1940, an average year, the following
amounts were returned to them: Pima $1,626.00; Cochise
$880.00; Santa Cruz $2.50; Maricopa $1,482.00; Graham
$299.00; Final $3,305.00; and Yuma $671.00.53
Another commendable innovation was the McCarron
amendment signed by the President in July, 1939. Authority
for the first time was delegated to a local Advisory Board of
49. Weekly Market Report and News Letter, XIV, No. 21 (May 28, 1935).
50. Ibid., XIII, No. 37 (September 25, 1934).
51. Letter from Ed Pierson, Regional Chief, Division of Range Management, to
the writer, April 15, 1949.
52. Ibid.
63. Ibid.
28 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
five to twelve stockmen in each district who cooperate with
a wildlife representative.54 It can certainly be said that the
administration of Taylor grazing lands has been less con-
troversial than that of state lands in Arizona.
The allocation of certain federal lands to the states for
educational purposes and for essential public improvements
has been laudable ; yet the designation of scattered sections
has not been conducive to efficient administration or wise
range management. Sections sixteen and thirty-six were
reserved to the territory of Arizona for the benefit of
schools ;55 unfortunately, no revenue was to be received there-
from before statehood. In 1895, Governor L. C. Hughes esti-
mated that the territory was thus being deprived of $75,000
to $100,000 annually.56
On April 7, 1896, however, the Governor, Secretary, and
Superintendent of Public Instruction were authorized, pend-
ing enactment of a leasing law, to lease school and univer-
sity lands under rules prescribed by the Secretary of In-
terior.57 Finally, on March 18, 1897, the Territorial Legisla-
ture provided for the leasing of school lands. Squatters who
had made improvements were given a preferred right. Any-
one paying annually up to 2^ per cent of the assessed valua-
tion was entitled to a lease for a term not exceeding five
years, or until the admission of the territory as a state.58
The Enabling Act, approved June 20, 1910, added Sec-
tions 2 and 32 to the state lands.59 Where any of the desig-
nated sections were appropriated, other lands of equal value
could be selected "in lieu" thereof. In cases of lands embraced
within national forests for which the option of indemnity
selection was not exercised, the state received twenty per
cent of the gross proceeds.60 Land could be auctioned but
for not less than three dollars per acre.61 Furthermore, no
54. Weekly Market Report and News Letter, XVIII. No. 33 (July 25, 1939).
55. 12 Statute* at Large, p. 665.
56. Report of the Governor, op. eft., 1895, p. 28.
57. 29 Statutes at Large, p. 90.
58. Revised Statutes of Arizona, 1901, pars. 4032-4053, pp. 1015-19.
59. 36 Statutes at Large, pp. 572-573.
60. Ibid., p. 574 ; also Revised Statutes of Arizona, 1913, par. 4567, p. 1478.
61. Constitution of the State of Arizona (annotated and copyrighted by the De-
partment of Library and Archives, July, 1939), Art. X, sec. 5, p. 65.
GADSDEN PURCHASE LANDS 29
more than 640 acres of grazing land could be purchased by
one individual.62 Pending sale, land could be leased as the
state legislature prescribed.
By legislative act of 1912 the Land Commission was au-
thorized to lease state land for a term not exceeding five
years, the minimum charge being set at three cents per
acre.63 The limitation of 640 acres to a lease was cleverly
evaded by various means.64 Investigation of the Commission
disclosed many fraudulent practices on the part of indi-
viduals who were speculating in school lands. Perhaps the
commonest, though not the most reprehensible, was sub-
leasing without written consent at exorbitant profit. Some-
times holders of territorial leases would not apply for a
permit for the further occupancy of the land subsequent to
the territory's admission, but continued to exact the stipu-
lated rent from sub-lessees.65 Fictitious names, or dummies,
were also frequently-used devices.
However, neither the Constitution nor the Enabling Act
of the state of Arizona made definite provision for the classi-
fication of state lands or for the determination of rentals on
them. Under the territorial system and during thirteen
months of the Commission's existence, rentals were deter-
mined by the boards of supervisors. As a result, great in-
equality existed among counties of the state, since virtually
no attempt at classification had been made.66 But the land
code of 1915 invested in the Commission the power to classify
lands that had been selected, as grazing, agricultural, timber,
or irrigable.67 The amount of minimum rental was again
affirmed to be three cents per acre payable annually in ad-
vance on leases made for ten years with preferred right of
renewal.68
Occasionally the State Land Commissioner has found it
62. Ibid., sec. 11, p. 66.
68. Revised Statutes of Arizona, 1913, par. 4567, sec. 12, p. 1480.
64. Arizona Range News, July 5, 1918.
65. Report of the State Land Commissioner of Arizona to the Governor of the
State (June 6, 1912 to December 1, 1914), p. 64.
66. Ibid., p. 56.
67. Acts, Resolutions, and Memorials of the Regular Session, Second Legislature
of the State of Arizona, 2 spec, sess., 1915, Chap. 6, sec. 15, pp. 19-20.
68. Ibid., sec. 32, p. 25.
30 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
imperative to change the rental charged.69 The Commissioner
in 1933, Mr. Howard T. Smith, for example, called in each
lease to make a notation thereon that for the two years June
14, 1933, to June 14, 1935, a reduction from three to 1^ cents
per acre would be effective.70 The plight of stockmen had
forced the decision of the Land Commission. Similarly, the
county assessors in a meeting at Globe the previous Decem-
ber had set a one dollar acre maximum valuation on private
lands. However, the assessors were slower than the Commis-
sion in reducing the valuations, and consequently the taxes,
in several counties.71
Arizona cattlemen commended the Commission for recog-
nizing the suffering prevalent in the industry ; yet the com-
mission showed dissatisfaction in the inelasticity of the
rental system, since no set figure was equitable considering
the vast differences in the value of the range. They recom-
mended reclassification of state land and the establishment
of charges based thereafter on the carrying capacity of in-
dividual sections, as well as on the prevailing beef market —
the two factors determining the degree of fluctuation of
rentals between definite minimum and maximum limits.72
Carrying capacity and prices are complementary. No stock-
man must sacrifice his cattle on a low market when the range
furnishes the possibility of a carryover, but there is no choice
when the ranges are depleted. However, fifteen years were to
elapse before these fundamental factors were considered by
the legislature.
Meanwhile, in April, 1935, the Land Board unanimously
agreed to continue the l1/^ cent per acre fee on state lands for
two more years beyond June of that year.73 And in 1937 the
rate was voluntarily continued for an additional two years
pending the completion of appraisal of state lands.74
In January, 1936, Works Progress Administration Proj-
69. Ibid., 1933, Chap. 98, sec. 1, p. 467 ; or Arizona Code Annotated, 1939, Chap.
11, sec. 304, p. 437.
70. Weekly Market Report and News Letter, XII, No. 19 (June 13, 1933).
71. Ibid., XIII, No. 30 (August 7, 1934).
72. Twenty-second Annual Report of the State Land Commissioner (July 1,
1933 to June 30, 1934), p. 6.
73. Weekly Market Report and News Letter, XIV, No. 1 (January 2, 1936).
74. Ibid., XVI, No. 16 (May 11, 1937).
GADSDEN PURCHASE LANDS 31
ect number 274 was assigned to cooperate with the State
Land Department in the classification of all state lands.75
Heretofore no permanent records classifying the lands had
existed, unless in the memory of department employees who
had never seen the lands. Consequently there was no possible
basis for leasing grazing lands except at a flat rate, regard-
less of their value to the lessees. Furthermore, the adminis-
tration was unable to secure income commensurate with the
best interests of industries utilizing or benef itting from the
lands.76
Specifications for classification included actual physical
examination of state lands and the drafting of a topographi-
cal map for each township denoting all the different types of
lands therein, namely, state, private, railroad, public do-
main, forest reserve, and Indian reservation lands. The car-
rying capacity was estimated, rainfall and soil conditions
determined, and summaries by townships and counties made.
In addition to collecting detailed data, the project un-
covered many cases of completely inefficient handling be-
cause of lack of information. For example, it was found that
valuable irrigation lands were sometimes under grazing
leases in violation of the Enabling Act, the Arizona Consti-
tution, and state land code. Subsequent to the investigation,
however, they were properly classified and rentals collected
accordingly.77
The state also participated in the federal soil erosion
program. On March 18, 1936, an agreement was made be-
tween the state of Arizona and the Soil Conservation Service
of the Department of Agriculture whereby unleased state
lands in Final and Maricopa Counties were to be under the
supervision of erosion specialists; the object was to check
deterioration of the ranges by planting or propagating vege-
tative covering.78 Lessees throughout southern Arizona also
reached agreements with the Service for the restoration of
the land to its former capacity.
75. Twenty-fourth Annual Report of the Arizona State Land Commissioner (July
1, 1935 to June 30, 1936), n.p.
76. Ibid.
77. Ibid.
78. Ibid.
32 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
State lands were affected by federal statute in another
way too. Under Section 8 of the Taylor Grazing Act,79 the
Land Board frequently exchanged its lands within the fed-
eral grazing districts for comparable "in lieu" sections (pri-
vate owners in the districts were similarly authorized by
the same section). Conflicts sometimes arose between the
state and private lease applicants. It was determined that
when land was applied for under both Sections 8 and 15, a
one-year federal permit should be issued under Section 15 if
that application were made first; but if the state filed the
initial request, its application went to Washington for
investigation.80
As previously noted, the procedure for leasing state lands
was frequently changed. The contracts up to 1940 included
the "or date of sale" clause ; i. e., the lease extended for five
years unless purchased. In that year, however, Mr. William
Alberts authorized the elimination of the clause so that a
potential buyer must wait the expiration of the lease.81
The method of purchasing state lands in 1940 consisted
of filing an application along with a one dollar fee at the office
of the State Land Commissioner. The latter notified the
proper county board of supervisors, which made an appraisal
of the lands. After publication of a list of lands thus applied
for, public auctions were held. State lands were sold for cash
or on terms. If on terms, the certificate of purchase ran for
thirty-eight years after payment of five per cent on the pur-
chase price and two per cent in addition for classification and
appraisement.82
Two types of lands available for renting by Arizona
farmers and cattlemen have been discussed, namely, public
domain and state lands. In addition, there are national for-
ests in which the permit system of grazing control is used.
There are numerous examples of large ranch organizations
comprising several different types of lands. Many are in the
Willcox area. By 1929, the J. H. Brookreson Ranch, for in-
stance, consisted of some 7,000 acres of patented land
79. 48 Statutes at Large, pt. 1, sec. 8, pp. 1272-73.
80. Weekly Market Report and News Letter, XV, No. 44 (November 24, 1936).
81. Ibid., XIX, No. 27 (July 9, 1940).
82. Ibid.
GADSDEN PURCHASE LANDS 33
purchased at $2 to $5 per acre (originally deeded by the
government in 320-acre homesteads) and approximately
thirteen sections of state leased lands. E. R. Hooker possessed
some 35,000 acres of private and 20,000 acres of state lands
in addition to considerable forest acreage. The Riggs family
had acquired 100,000 patented, 50,000 leased, and 25,000
acres in forest lands.83
By 1904, some eight forest reservations had been set aside
in Arizona in accordance with Section 24 of the General Re-
vision Act of 1891. 84 Three of the areas were south of the
Gila River.85 The Santa Rita Forest Reserve (south and
southeast of Tucson) was created by an executive order of
April 11, 1902.86 The Santa Catalina87 (northeast of Tucson)
was similarly established on July 2 of the same year, and the
Chiricahua Reserve on July 30.88
The establishment of other reserves followed until 1908
when a process of consolidation began. On July 2, Executive
Order number 908 directed that the Santa Rita, Santa Cata-
lina, and Dragoon National Forests be joined under the
name of the Coronado National Forest.89 The reserve was
enlarged on June 6, 1917, with the addition of the Chiricahua
Forest ; also by Order number 90S,90 the Huachuca, Tumaca-
cori, the Baboquivari Reserves were consolidated into the
Garces National Forest.91 And on July 1, 1908, a third ad-
ministrative district, the Crook National Forest, was
created.92
Since the reserves embraced large areas of grazing lands,
they have always been of paramount importance in the his-
83. Arizona Range News, August 16 and 23, September 13, October 11, and No-
vember 8, 1929.
84. 26 Statutes at Large, p. 1103. In 1907 the name "forest reserves" was changed
to "national forests."
85. Report to the Governor, op. cit., 1904, p. 111.
86. 32 Statutes at Large, pt. 2, pp. 1989-91.
87. Ibid., pp. 2012-13.
88. Ibid., pp. 2019-21.
89. See 36 Statutes at Large, pt. 2, p. 2719 for the alteration of the boundaries.
The best available list of presidential orders is Presidential Executive Orders, W.P.A.
Historical Records Survey, 2 vols.
90. Presidential Executive Orders, Order No. 2630, p. 221.
91. See 36 Statute at Large, pt. 2, p. 2687 for addition of lands on April 21,
1910.
92. Presidential Executive Orders, Order No. 869, p. 81.
34 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
tory of the cattle industry in southern Arizona. In 1925 for
example, 1,226,506 of the 1,302,768 acres in the Coronado
National Forest were usable for grazing for an average of
10.46 months per year with a carrying capacity of 37,844
cattle.93 The Forest Service of the Department of Agricul-
ture which has supervised the reserves since 1905, was given
the task of seeing that the maximum number of cattle and
sheep were grazed with the least possible injury to vegeta-
tion. Its range management program involves the determina-
tion of carrying capacity, the most adaptable class of stock,
and the grazing period for each range.94 The most beneficial
use of grazing lands and the best distribution of stock are
obtained through the proper division of ranges among the
stockmen and among the different classes of livestock, as
well as by the development of water, construction of drift
fences, better salting methods, and the eradication of poison-
ous plants.95
At first there was no law specifically authorizing the sale
of grazing privileges on forest reserves. But since there was
also no prohibition, Chief Forester Pinchot ordered a small
charge beginning January 1, 1906.96 In the years preceding
his extra-legal step, considerable opposition was manifested
in western states against regulation. On February 14, 1899,
for example, delegate Marcus A. Smith of Arizona presented
a memorial from the legislature of his state demanding graz-
ing without restriction.97
Yet the disadvantages of free grazing were apparent.
The Interior Department, which directed the reserves until
1905, found it almost impossible to assign permits justly to
all applicants, and thus adopted preferential rules. The
stockmen residing on the reserves were first considered, and
then persons with permanent ranches within reserves but
93. Hearings before a Subcommittee of the Committee on Public Lands and Sur-
veys, U.S. Senate, 69 Cong., 1 Sess., 1925, p. 1765.
94. Paul G. Redington (District Forester), "Forest Reserves and Grazing Lands,"
Proceedings of the Tenth Annual Meeting of the Arizona Cattle Growers' Association,
1917, pp. 34-35.
95. Ibid., p. 36.
96. Hse. Doc. 6, 59 Cong., 2 Sess., p. 278.
97. Congressional Record, 55 Cong., 3 Sess., XXXII, pt. 2, p. 1879 ; Session Laws
of the Twentieth Legislative Assembly of the Territory of Arizona, 1899, Council Me-
morial No. 1, p. 88.
GADSDEN PURCHASE LANDS 35
residence outside. Next in preference came those who lived
in the immediate vicinity, and finally outsiders or transients
who had some equitable claim.98 Without the exaction of fees,
however, restrictions on grazing were necessarily lax and
westerners for that reason opposed the transfer of reserves
to a Department of Agriculture bent on the regulation of
grazing."
Nevertheless, government control was established and the
Congressional appropriation bill for the fiscal year ending
June 30, 1907, contained a provision relative to the levying
of fees. The minimum charge for summer grazing was
twenty to thirty-five cents per head, or thirty-five to fifty
cents per head for year-long grazing. But the regulation
stipulated that grazing fees would be raised as the ranges
improved and the demand for permits increased.100 From
1906 until 1910 only slight changes were made in the regula-
tions. But in 1910 fees were established on the basis of
thirty-five to sixty cents. An order of the Secretary of Agri-
culture, effective January 1, 1912, added five cents per head
per annum. In 1915 the scale ran from forty-eight to seventy-
five cents per head. The first important increase came in
1916 with the raising of the maximum charge to $1.25 with
gradual additions scheduled until by 1919 it would be $1.50
with a sixty-cent minimum.
Ten per cent of receipts from forest reserves were pay-
able annually to the territory to be distributed to the counties
in which the reserves were located for the benefit of schools
and the construction of roads, providing that the amount was
not equivalent to more than forty per cent of a county's in-
come from all sources.101 By a subsequent act of Congress,
however, it was provided that twenty-five per cent of the
money received should be disbursed to the state. In addition,
ten per cent of gross receipts is expended upon roads within
the forests, and about eleven per cent is paid into the state
98. John Ise, The United States Forest Policy, p. 169.
99. Congressional Record, 57 Cong., 1 Sess., XXXV, pt. 7, pp. 6509-26 and 6566-73.
100. C. E. Rachford, "Forest Service, Range Appraisal Revert," Hear ings, op. tit.,
pt. 1, pp. 17-18.
101. 34. Statutes at Large, pp. 1270-71 ; Biennial Message of the Governor of Ari-
zona (Joseph H. Kibbey) to the Twenty-fourth Legislative Assembly, 1907, p. 41.
36 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
treasury. Thus the share, of rents received is at least equiva-
lent in most cases to the taxes which would be collected from
the same lands in private ownership.102
The permit system of renting is more flexible than the
leasing system. It entails a definite number of animals on an
amount of land which the Forest Service estimates to be
sufficient. The forage required for a given kind of animal
differs very little, and hence a uniform charge "per animal"
is easily applied whereas a uniform charge "per acre" is not
equitable because of vegetation differences. Furthermore, the
leasing system is conducive to overstocking, especially if the
tenure is short.103
Speculation was discouraged, since permits are not trans-
ferable ; also, a stockman who waives his grazing preference
by agreement with a buyer of his stock and private lands is
prohibited from obtaining another permit for three years,
unless surplus land of no use to other applicants is available.
Moreover, permits were to run for only one year with prefer-
ence being given to small nearby owners, other occupants of
the range, and owners of transient stock, in that order.104
The first decade of the existence of the Arizona Forest
Reserves brought a rapid increase in the value of grazing
privileges, the higher price of meat and the growing scarcity
of open range being perhaps the chief causes. While rentals
on Indian, state, and private lands rose accordingly, the for-
est reserve fees remained stationary. But finally in 1917, the
Secretary of Agriculture decided to correct the discrepancy
by raising the fees.105
Livestock associations in the western range states pro-
tested. The Arizona Cattle Growers' Association, eighty-four
per cent of its members having forest permits, registered
strenuous objections at their March convention in Globe.106
The committee appointed to draw up a protest to the pro-
posed advancement in rates denounced the statement of the
102. Wooton. op. eft., pp. 56-57.
103. Ibid.
104. "National Forest Manual," (Effective March, 1924), Regulation G-7, Hear-
ings, op. cit., p. 61.
105. Anonymous, American Forestry, XXIII, No. 279 (March, 1917), p. 177.
106. E. H. Crabb, "Grazing Privileges on Forest Reserves," Proceedings of the
Tenth Annual Meeting of the Arizona Cattle Growers' Association, 1917, p. 65.
GADSDEN PURCHASE LANDS 37
Secretary of Agriculture that Forest Service fees were only
thirty-four per cent of prices paid by cattlemen for grazing
on private lands ; i. e., 3.9 cents per head as compared with
11.7 cents per head. They contended that fencing and the
unregulated use of non-forest lands were conducive to the
most profitable range management.107
The demands of cattlemen were partially met when the
Department of Agriculture reduced its announced increase
in fees from 33^ to twenty-five per cent. Future increases
were to be contingent upon investigations of the actual value
of each permit in the separate forests.108 Accordingly, a de-
tailed appraisal of national forest ranges began in 1921 in
order that a parity between forest and commercial rates
could be equitably established.109
The following year Arizona stockmen formed an organi-
zation in Tucson called the National Forest Permittees' As-
sociation to resist attempts of the Forest Service to advance
grazing fees. Their resolutions called for long-term leases
in definite and positive terms, and the recognition of es-
tablished rights based upon use prior to the creation of the
forest reserves. However, Colonel W. B. Greeley, Forester-
in-Chief at Washington, stated that existing rents did not
represent the full commercial value of the grazing lands.110
Generally the cattlemen were satisfied with the regu-
lated system of grazing as promulgated by the Forest Serv-
ice, especially in times of depression. A typical situation oc-
curred during the mid-20's when many grazing regions were
drouth-stricken. The Secretary of Agriculture was author-
ized by Congress in March, 1925, to waive any part, or all,
of the grazing charges for the use of national forests in the
drouth areas.111 In the same year, grazing fees were worked
out on the basis of annual rates paid by stockmen on leased
state and private lands.112 In 1927, there was a reduction;
though the next year the Secretary of Agriculture approved
107. See the committee's letter to D. F. Houston, then Secretary of Agriculture.
Ibid., p. 62.
108. Anonymous, American Forestry, XXIII, No. 279 (March, 1917), p. 177.
109. Sen. Doc. 199, 74 Cong., 2 Sess., p. 267.
110. Tucson Citizen, June 5, 1922.
111. 44 Statutes at Large, pt. 1, p. 1259.
112. Weekly Market Report and News Letter, XII, No. 14 (April 13, 1933).
38 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
a plan, to begin in 1928 and continue through 1930, whereby
grazing charge would be increased to the commercial basis
less twenty-five per cent, the difference in the two scales be-
ing lessened twenty-five per cent for each of the three
years.113
The extremely low prices of cattle and sheep, however,
resulted in a fifty per cent reduction for 1932.114 Then a flexi-
ble formula was worked out and approved by Secretary of
Agriculture Wallace on May 27, 1933. It provided for annual
readjustment on the basis of prices received for livestock
during the previous year in eleven western states;115 the
1931 range appraisal rate of 14.5 cents per head per month
for cattle was accepted as the base. Thus, by way of illustra-
tion, the 1939 cattle fee was eight per cent lower than the
1931 level; i. e., the individal forest fee was established by
simply taking ninety-two per cent of the base.116
It is true that in spite of the general acquiescence in the
forest program, certain criticisms prevailed, which were
slowly met. The demand for long-term permits culminated in
the enactment of the Clarke-McNary Law on June 7, 1924,117
which granted contracts up to ten years ; but with the initia-
tion of the public domain administration under the Taylor
Grazing Act, permits were once again issued on a year-to-
year basis.118
Furthermore, permission to erect fenced enclosures was
sought. The lack of arbitrary lines of division lowered the
worth of forest grazing privileges in comparison with In-
dian, state, or private leases, which empowered the lessees to
construct fences and consolidate ranch units. The difficulty
in separating different kinds of stock or the animals of dif-
ferent owners is apparent. However, the Service did allow
so-called "drift fences" to restrict the movement of stock in
such a manner as to secure their proper distribution on the
113. Sen. Doc. 199, 74 Cong., 2 Seas., p. 257.
114. Report of the Forester, 1933 (Robert Y. Stuart), Annual Reports of the De-
partment of Agriculture, p. 24.
116. Ibid., pp. 24-25.
116. Weekly Market Report and News Letter, XVIII, No. 21 (May 2, 1939). See
the letter of James A. Scott, Acting Regional Forester at Albuquerque.
117. 43 Statutes at Large, pt. 1, pp. 653-655.
118. Weekly Market Report and News Letter, XIII, No. 47 (December 4, 1934).
GADSDEN PURCHASE LANDS 39
range, second in importance only to the rate of stocking.119
In summary it can be said that though stockmen occasion-
ally protested against increase in grazing fees and certain
weaknesses in the forest reserve laws, they almost invariably
supported the Forest Service in its efforts to improve range
conditions; and the constructive pioneering of foresters in
developing a range science in Arizona has been most com-
mendable. Perhaps the first experiment of note began in
1903 with the enclosing of 49.2 square miles in the Santa
Rita Forest Reserve ; four contiguous ranches were also in-
cluded. Previous to that time, heavy pasturing had consider-
ably depreciated the range ; but by 1910 the Bureau of Plant
Industry was able to report conclusively that vegetation
which once flourished on the reserve could be restored when
given a measure of protection.120 In 1915 the Experimental
Station was transferred to the Forest Service, which has
continued to show the benefits to be derived from stocking
ranges within their grazing capacity.121
The basic objective in range research involves detailed
study of conditions necessary for plant growth; it begins
with the soil and ends with the marketable animal. A matter
of chief concern has been the invasion of the ranges by mes-
quite, cacti, burroweed, and snakeweed. Though these plants
often result in a decreased forage production, they do not
have the effect of poisonous plants in causing cattle losses.
The latter have presented a serious problem.122 In 1916 alone
some four hundred head of cattle worth approximately
$16,000 were lost in forests of Arizona. The principal plants
causing the losses were three or four species of loco.123 Of
the experiments which have been conducted under the super-
vision of the Southwestern Forest and Range Experiment
Station at Tucson, many have been concerned with the dif-
119. Proceedings of the Tenth Annual Meeting of the Arizona Stock Growers'
Association, 1917, p. 47.
120. David Griffiths, "A Protected Stock Range in Arizona," U.S.D.A. Bureau
of Plant Industry, Bulletin 177, pp. 7-24.
121. Redington, op. cit.t p. 36.
122. Kenneth W. Parker, "Control of Noxious Plants in the Southwest," Re-
search Notes, No. 77 (December, 1939), Southwestern Forest and Range Experiment
Station, Tucson, p. 10.
123. Redington, op. cit., p. 36.
40 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
ferent methods of controlling and eradicating noxious and
poisonous weeds. When tested and proven, the information
obtained is disseminated among cattlemen.
Another important advantage which has accompanied
governmental control of the ranges is the prevention of
range wars, particularly armed conflicts between cattlemen
and sheepmen, as a result of the closing of forest reserves to
"transient" and tramp herds.124 Furthermore, the forest
regulations have had a salutary effect on the enforcement of
brand laws. If an application for a permit shows that the
stock to be grazed bear brands not recorded in the name
of the applicant, acceptable proof of ownership must be
furnished.125
Besides the lands described above there are also Indian
Reservations in the Gadsden Purchase area. However, only
the Papagos are located entirely south of the Gila River and
for that reason the remainder of this paper will be devoted
to them.
The Papago Indian Reservation is situated about nine
miles southwest of Tucson. It is one of the leading centers
of livestock production in southern Arizona, chiefly for two
reasons. First, the free life of the open range is particularly
compatible with the Indian's temperament. Secondly, most
of the land is not acceptable to intensive agricultural develop-
ment, and the livelihood of the people is therefore dependent
upon the successful raising of cattle.
The annexation of Arizona by the United States was most
disastrous to the Papagos. Belonging to the Piman family,
they were early Christianized by the Jesuits and Franciscans,
later being recognized as citizens of Mexico. But with the in-
surge of white settlers, they were not only deprived of citi-
zenship, but also of intensive land holdings and water rights.
By an executive order in 1874 and by a congressional act of
1882, the tribe was granted a meager 69,200 acres of which
41,622 acres were allotted to 363 tribesmen by 1890. It was
inevitable that stock raising should continue to be the chief
124. Will C. Barnes, "The Story of the Range," Hearingt, op. eit.. pt. 6, p. 1586.
125. "National Forest Manual," Hearings, op. eit., pt. 1, p. 49.
GADSDEN PURCHASE LANDS 41
economic pursuit of the Papagos since 33,062 acres of the
allotted land and the entire unallotted area of 27,578 acres
were considered valueless except for grazing purposes.126
By executive order 2300 on January 14, 1916, approxi-
mately two million acres of public land were set aside for
the Papagos, their first real safeguard against white en-
croachments.127 However, it was learned that a six-mile strip
running generally east and west across the reservation had
been applied for by the state of Arizona prior to the estab-
lishment of the reservation, in accordance with its "in lieu"
privileges.128 Certain private individuals had also initiated
valid claims to certain tracts under the public land laws.
Consequently, executive order 2524, February 1, 1917, pro-
vided for the elimination of the "six-mile strip" and its re-
turn to the public domain, leaving three separate tracts
which were most insufficient for the grazing needs of the
tribe.129 Immediately the Indians began insisting that their
lands be made contiguous through the closing of the strip
and by the acquisition of the privately-owned Santa Rosa
Ranch as well as adjoining public land.
In 1930 a bill was introduced in the United States Sen-
ate contemplating certain additions to the reservation, viz.,
all the unreserved and undisposed land within the "strip."
Also some $165,000 was to be appropriated to acquire the
Santa Rosa and other privately-owned lands to completely
consolidate the tracts. Thus two advantages would be at-
tained : (1) the Papagos could range their livestock over the
entire reservation without trespassing on private grasslands,
and (2) the encroachment by white and Mexican stock rais-
ers upon the reservation would be limited. It was also hoped
that the state would relinquish its "lieu" selections within
the strip. The bill became law on February 21, 1931, with the
126. Sen. Doc. 97S, 62 Cong., 3 Sess., p. 6.
127. Indian Affairs, Laws, and Treaties, IV, Sen. Doc. 53, 70 Cong., 1 Sess., p.
1005. Executive Order No. 1374 (June 16, 1911) and Order No. 1538 (May 28, 1912)
reserved certain public lands for the Papagos; whereas Orders No. 1090 (June 17, 1909)
and No. 1655 (December 5, 1912) had diminished the reservation slightly.
128. Constitution of the State of Arizona (annotated and copyrighted by the
Department of Library and Archives, July, 1939 ) , Art. X, Sec. 5, p. 65 ; 36 Statutes
at Large, p. 558.
129. Hae. Report 1934, 71 Cong., 2 Sess., p. 2.
42 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
stipulation that the lands acquired should not be subject to
allotment.130
Congress had previously voted $9,500 on June 28, 1926,
for a purchase which embraced 440 acres of patented lands,
one quarter section being known as the "Steinf eld tract" and
the remainder as the "John Tierney tract." The latter was
practically all fenced and furnished valuable pasture for the
agency cows.131 Yet the Indians still need additional pasture.
The Papago land status has accentuated the more un-
desirable features of periodic drouths. It is impossible to
determine exactly the quantity of land needed by each stock-
man, but it is evident that the Papago range area per capita
has been insufficient, with overstocking and deterioration
the inevitable result. The reservation comprised 2,375,554
acres in 1930 of which 2,371,804 acres were grazing land.
Thus the range area approximated 459 acres for each of
5,159 Indians.132
As previously stated, successful livestock production in
semi-arid regions entails the possession of thousands, not
hundreds, of acres. The white stockmen have obtained large
areas under the various leasing systems. But the Papago is
unable to lease government lands and is thus at a disadvan-
tage in the competitive field dominated by his white neighbor.
His only solution was overstocking, a course which by the
late 40's culminated in poverty and virtual expulsion from
the pursuit which had supported his ancestors for at least
two and a half centuries.
Nor have the Papagos been able to compete with other
Indian tribes. By way of comparison, the statistics on cattle
sales for May, 1935, are typical of the inequality. In that
month the Papagos sold 865 head of cattle averaging only
$22.71 per head, whereas the San Carlos Apaches averaged
$35.75 per head for the 1,700 animals which they sold. The
$13.04 difference could be attributed to perhaps three fac-
130. 46 Statutes at Large, pp. 1202-03.
131. 44 Statutes at Large, p. 775 ; also see Sen. Report 493, 69 Cong., 1 Sess., p.
102.
132. Lee Muck, Percy E. Melis, and George M. Nyce, "Economic Survey of the
Range Resources and Grazing Activities on Indian Reservations," Hearings before a
Subcommittee of the Committee on Indian Affairs, United States Senate, 71 Cong., 2
Sess.. p. 12273.
^ ^
GADSDEN PURCHASE LANDS 43
tors favoring the Apaches : (1) superior range, (2) better
breeding, and (3) better marketing methods.133
Even with government help the Papagos have been un-
able to cope with the problem of overstocking and the deteri-
oration of their ranges. The long drouth during the winter
of 1948-49 virtually finished the livestock industry on the
reservation. A possible solution may be the program pro-
posed by the tribal council and approved by Secretary of In-
terior Krug in 1949, which would separate the 7,400 Indians.
About one-third would be diverted into farming, and an
equal number into the white man's pursuits, leaving the re-
mainder as livestock growers.134
Regardless of what is done to alleviate the Papago situa-
tion, the system of land ownership in Arizona will remain
complicated. The problem of securing sufficient land for the
remunerative management of herds has caused the stockman
his greatest consternation. As a result many ranches are
hodge podges of patented, state, forest, and public grazing
lands. No standardization of leasing fees has been achieved.
Consequently, users of low rental lands are frequently sub-
jected to attacks by beneficiaries of the same.
133. Annual Statistical Report, Sells Agency, Arizona, Fiscal Year Ending June
30, 1935, p. 17.
134. Tucson Daily Citizen, March 29, 1949.
ON THE NAVAHO TRAIL: THE CAMPAIGN OF 1860-61
By MAX L. HEYMAN, JR.*
FROM May to July of 1860, two and a half regiments of the
United States Army moved from the Department of
Utah into the Department of New Mexico.1 The reason for
their transfer is to be found in the Report of the Secretary of
War for 1860 : "In New Mexico, the outrages and depreda-
tions of the Indians have been very daring and numerous,
and nearly the whole territory may be said to have been in-
fested by them throughout the season." To chastise the red
man, then, "in an exemplary manner," was the duty for
which the troops were called into the Territory. And the
particular object of their endeavors was to be "the numerous
and powerful tribe of Navajoes."2
Trouble between the Navaho Indians and the Spanish-
speaking population of New Mexico stretched back to the
beginning of the eighteenth century.3 In the twelve years
immediately preceding the American conquest of the Ter-
ritory, Navaho incursions had been extremely severe.4 In
the twelve years since that time, the warriors of the
Navaho Nation had caused more trouble to the citizens of
New Mexico than any other Indian tribe.5
During these years, a desultory warfare was carried on.
The Navaho raided the camps and settlements of the Terri-
tory for the purpose of stealing stock. Mexican women and
*Max L. Heyman, Jr., is a graduate student, Department of History, University of
California at Los Angeles.
1. The 5th and 7th Infantry Regiments, three companies of the 10th Infantry,
and two companies of the 2d Dragoons. See General Orders No. 10, April 16, 1860,
Department of Utah, General Orders and Special Orders, 1860. This material and the
Adjutant General's Office and Department of New Mexico items hereinafter referred
to are to be found in the War Records Division of the National Archives in Washing-
ton, D. C. Also see Colonel T. T. Fauntleroy to Colonel L. Thomas, A. A. G., Head-
quarters of the Army, August 5, 1860, in the Report of the Secretary of War in
Senate Exec. Doc. No. 1, 36th Cong., 2d sess., II, 60.
2. Senate Exec. Doc. No. 1, 36th Cong., 2d sess., II, 3.
3. Hubert Howe Bancroft, Arizona and New Mexico (San Francisco, 1889), 222-
223.
4. Frank D. Reeve, "The Government and the Navaho, 1846-1858," New Mexico
Historical Review. XIV (January, 1939), 82-88.
6. Bancroft, op. cit., 673.
44
ON THE NAVAHO TRAIL 45
children captured on these forays were enslaved or sold to
distant tribes. Only incidentally, however, did the Navaho
kill during these assaults. On the other hand, when Mexican
elements wished to enrich themselves in flocks and herds,
they made inroads upon the Navaho. Captives were likewise
enslaved6 and, by 1861, it was estimated that the residents
of New Mexico held over 1,500 of these people in bondage.
Even the governor of the Territory was said to own Navaho
slaves.7
No doubt, many of the depredations blamed on the
Navaho were not of their doing. But more were, and numer-
ous punitive expeditions, public and -private (the latter is
how New Mexicans often gained materially), were sent
against them. In 1858, a nominal peace existed. Yet, only a
minor incident was needed to rupture it. Such an incident
occurred. Thenceforth, except for the quiet winter of 1858-
59, the Navahos raided at will.8
Continued successful forays, even within sight of the
capital of the Territory, gave these warriors such confidence
in their bravery and prowess that, on April 30, 1860, they
became so bold as to attack Fort Defiance — a garrisoned
military post.9 It was this imprudent action on the part of a
Navaho war party that provoked the Secretary of War into
ordering that drastic steps be taken to quell the tribe.10
At Fort Garland,11 late in August, Major Edward R. S.
Canby, Brevet Lieutenant Colonel, Tenth Infantry,12 re-
ceived a letter from Captain D. H. Maury, Assistant Adju-
6. Frank D. Reeve, "The Federal Indian Policy in New Mexico, 1858-1880," New
Mexico Historical Review, XII (July, 1937), 221.
7. Oscar H. Lipps, The Navajos (Cedar Rapids, 1909), 64-55.
8. Reeve, "The Federal Indian Policy in New Mexico," loc. cit., 223 et seq.
9. For the report of the attack, see Senate Exec. Doc. No. 1, 36th Cong., 2d sess.,
II, 52-56.
10. Major W. A. Nichols, A. A. G., to Colonel T. T. Fauntleroy, July 14, 1860,
ibid., 60.
11. At this time Fort Garland was in the Territory of New Mexico. At present,
and since the Colorado Territory was formed, it is located in south-central Colorado.
12. In 1860, Canby was forty-three years old. He had graduated from West
Point in 1839, after which he served in the Florida War until 1842. On frontier serv-
ice along the Great Lakes from 1842-1846, he participated in the Mexican War as as-
sistant adjutant general, emerging with two brevet. He served in California from
1849-1851, took part in the "Mormon War" of 1857-1858, and commanded Fort Bridger,
1858-1860, before coming to New Mexico. Following his service in the Navaho campaign,
he commanded the Department of New Mexico, 1861-1862, during the Confederate In-
46 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
tant General, in Santa Fe. Part of its contents read as
follows :
The Department Commander directs me to say that he has decided
to commence active operations against the Navajos at once, and he
wishes you to conduct them. ... in carrying out these operations he
desires to entrust the greatest possible discretion to you ... he has
selected you for this duty accordingly.13
Thus was Lieutenant Colonel Canby notified of his assign-
ment to command the Navaho Expedition.
The campaign was planned to last six weeks in October
and November. The troops, in three columns, were to con-
verge on Fort Defiance from their stations in different
sections of the Territory and, from that rendezvous, were to
invade the heart of the Navaho country and punish those
"audacious predatory hordes."14 The Superintendent of In-
dian Affairs, although he usually frowned on the use of one
tribe in fighting another, consented to the employment of
the Pueblo and Ute Indians as spies and guides for the mili-
tary in this expedition against the "common scourge."15
Canby marched for Fort Defiance on September 10.16
Under orders to "seize and destroy the crops" in all the
Navaho planting grounds that his column might come upon,17
he led the troops southwestward via Abiquiu and Canon
Largo.18 The command didn't reach Fort Defiance, where the
vasion of the Territory. He was one of those administrative generals (he ultimately
became a brigadier general in the regular army) whose light has been hidden by the
more dashing of their brethren-in-arms. He was what might be considered a military
assistant secretary of war from 1862-1864. He commanded the Military Division of
West Mississippi, 1864-1865, and was military governor in three of the southern dis-
tricts during Reconstruction. He was killed in northern California by the Modoc In-
dians in April, 1873. A sketch of his life may be found in the Dictionary of American
Biography. N. B. : The author of this article now has in preparation a biography of
Canby.
13. Maury to Canby, Department of New Mexico, Letters Sent, X, 455, No. 187.
(Department of New Mexico will hereinafter be cited as Dept. of N. M. and Lettert
Sent, LS.)
14. Ibid. Also see Fauntleroy to Thomas, August 26, 1860, Senate Exec. Doc. No.
1, 36th Cong., 2d Bess., II, 63.
15. J. L. Collins to Maury, September 5, 1860, Dept. of N. M. Letters Received,
C30a, 1860. (Letters Received hereinafter cited as LR.)
16. With three officers and 115 enlisted men. Canby to A. A. G., September 9, 1860,
ibid., C32a, 1860.
17. Fauntleroy to Thomas, September 9, 1860, Senate Exec. Doc. No. 1, 36th Cong.,
2d seas., II, 64.
18. Canby to A. A. G., September 19, 1860, Dept. of N. M., LR, C34a, 1860.
ON THE NAVAHO TRAIL 47
other columns were anxiously awaiting its arrival,19 until
October 4 — three days later than Colonel T. T. Fauntleroy,
the department commander, had anticipated.20
But Canby had expected to be late, and had therefore
requested that the commanders of the other detachments
have their reports and returns ready so that there would be
no unnecessary delay in organizing the troops once he did
arrive.21 Yet, in spite of this and other attempts to forsee
any possible contingencies that might retard the prompt
initiation of the operations,22 considerable delay was expe-
rienced in outfitting and supplying the fifteen companies
assigned to the command.23
Canby was able to put two detachments of 270 men each
into the field by October 11. A third, smaller, division fol-
lowed them on the thirteenth. In converging on Fort Defi-
ance, the troops had driven the Navaho from their haunts
in the Chusca and Tunicha Mountains westward toward the
Sierra Limita, beyond which it was understood they could
not go.24 In that direction, then, the columns were pointed.
Canby expected to corner the Navaho there and "inflict
punishment . . . signal in its results and lasting in its
effects."
Disturbing, however, was the fact that a want of ade-
quate supplies further restricted the time allotted to the
operations. Canby expressed the feeling that it would be
unfortunate if the stores were exhausted before he attained
the ends desired, or the failure of his plan was fully demon-
strated. He hoped that an additional force and more trans-
portation and subsistence would soon be forthcoming, so
that he could increase the size of the third section and thus
extend the scope of the operations. As it was, there was
19. Major H. H. Sibley to Maury, September 29, 1860, ibid.
20. See Maury to Canby, Dept. of N. M., LS, X, 455, No. 187.
21. Canby to A. A. G., September 6, 1860, Dept. of N. M., LR, C31, 1860.
22. See id. to id., September 9, 1860, ibid., C32a, 1860, requesting clothing for the
troops and equipment for the animals.
23. There were six companies of cavalry and nine of infantry, and fifty scouts.
See Fauntleroy to Thomas, September 9, 1860, Senate Exec. Doc. No. 1, 36th Cong., 2d
Bess., II, 63.
24. Canby to A. A. G., October 4, 1860, Dept. of N. M., LR, C39, 1860.
48 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
equipment available for but two companies of the third
division, and bacon rations for only ten days.25
Leaving Captain Lafayette McLaws to command the
rear echelon and the dwarfed third detachment, Canby
headed the First Column as it took the field.26 Leading his
men along the north side of the Canon de Chelle, he was
joined by the Second Column, coming up from the south,
on October 19. The Third Column, meanwhile, acted as a
holding force to prevent the escape to the southeast of any
Navaho who managed to elude the maneuvers of the other
two divisions. The Ute allies scourged the country between
the sections,27 and succeeded in capturing fifty or sixty
horses and about 300 sheep. But when they failed to meet the
troops at the mouth of the canon, Canby wryly observed, "I
apprehend that they are satisfied and have gone home."28
Now commanding the united forces, the lieutenant
colonel employed his cavalry to reconnoiter the country in
the neighborhood of the Mesa de la Vaca. Finding it impos-
sible to penetrate the mesa, he reluctantly abandoned that
course.29 The route taken on the next phase of the patrol
traversed a picturesque region of red sand-stone formations.
But the scenery offered little compensation, because the trail
was heavy and very distressing to the animals. On one day,
the column covered twenty-one miles, during which the
mounts began to "yield sadly."30 One result of these initial
operations was to render the horses entirely unserviceable
for the rest of the campaign.31 Yet, it was not the demands
that Canby placed upon the cavalry that completely unfitted
it for further action.
26. Id. to id., October 12, 1860, ibid., C41, 1860.
26. Actually, he remained behind one day, and caught up with it at Palo Negro.
Ibid. Also see Lt. O. G. Wagner, A. A. A. G., to Captain Lafayette McLaws, October
11. 1860, ibid., W33, 1860.
27. Canby to A. A. A. G., November 8, 1860, t'6fd., C49, 1860. Also see Maury to
Fauntleroy, October 20, 1860, Dept. of N. M., LS, X, 489, No. 269.
28. Canby to A. A. G., October 19, 1860, Dept. of N. M., LR, Enclosure in C49,
1860.
29. Id to id., November 8, 1860, ibid., C49, 1860.
80. Sibley to Wagner, November 12, 1860, ibid.. Enclosure in C53, I860.
31. See id. to id., November 8, 1860, Adjutant General's Office, LR, Enclosure in
124 New Mexico Department, 1860. (Adjutant General's Office hereinafter cited as
A. G. O.)
ON THE NAVAHO TRAIL 49
Due to an unprecedented drought, this was the second
year of famine in New Mexico.32 At only four camps during
the scout were the essential requisites of water and grass
combined in sufficient amounts to improve the animals. Many
places where the guides had assured him that there was
water, Canby found none. The animals were forced to do
without, or had to drink the saline, "bitter" waters of the
desert. Its consumption often proved fatal, even to horses in
apparently fine condition.33
Canby surmised that the lack of water would force the
Navaho to bring their stock to one of the few permanent
springs. He therefore moved the command so as to block off
the avenues of approach to water — but to no avail.34
Failing in this attempt to trap the Navaho, another
reconnaissance was ordered. It revealed that many of the
quarry, with "immense" herds and flocks, were fleeing
South and West in the direction of the Moqui villages and
the Little Colorado.35 But, at the same time, the actions of
other members of the tribe were quite provoking, especially
to Brevet Major H. H. Sibley, Canby's second-in-command.
These Navaho displayed "a persistent determination" to
hang on the skirts of the moving column in small parties.
They were "very numerous and bold, coming in sight of the
troops in large numbers on the high mesas [above] the route
[of march]."36 They annoyed the column "in every way
consistent with their individual safety," yet they were not
disposed to fight. And that exasperated Sibley. With the
military advantages all in their favor, the major was "forc-
ibly struck" by "the futile efforts of this cowardly tribe" to
inflict any real damage on the troops.37 From a psychological
82. J. L. Donaldson, A. Q. M., to Fauntleroy, November 13, 1860, ibid., N119, 1860.
33. See Canby's endorsement on Sibley to Wagner, November 8, 1860, ibid., 124
New Mexico Department, 1860.
34. See Sibley to Lt. L. L. Rich, November 12, 1860, Dept. of N. M., LR, En-
closure in C53, 1860.
35. Canby to A. A. G., November 8, 1860, ibid., C49, 1860.
36. Colonel C. Carson to Captain Benj. C. Cutler, A. A. G., August 31, 1863, The
War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Con-
federate Armies (Washington, 1880-1901), Series I, vol. XXVI, pt. i, 251. (Herein-
after cited as OR and all references will be to Series I.)
37. Sibley to Rich, November 12, 1860, Dept. of N. M., LR, Enclosure in C53, 1860.
50 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
standpoint, though, they seemed to be doing a pretty good
job, particularly in so far as Major Sibley was concerned.
After nearly a month in the field, Canby returned to Fort
Defiance. The "almost total destitution" of water and grass
had limited the operations considerably. The results were
not decisive. Twenty-eight Indians had been killed by the
troops, 360 horses and 2,000 sheep taken. In addition, the
Utes had killed six Navaho, captured 600 horses and 5,000
sheep.38 This seemingly poor showing notwithstanding, the
military had succeeded in forcing the Navaho from their
homes and grazing grounds into "the most desolute and
repulsive country" that Canby had ever seen. And there,
great numbers of their horses and sheep were reputed to be
dying of hunger and thirst.39
During the course of the operations, various elements of
the Navaho tribe made overtures for peace. To these repre-
sentations, Canby responded. There was to be no cessation
of hostilities until the whole Nation willingly submitted, "in
good faith," to any terms which the United States might
impose upon it. Though the petitioners protested their past
and present friendship, declared themselves opposed to the
war, and claimed that the ladrones, or bad men, of their Na-
tion were the cause of all the trouble, Canby remained ada-
mant. He replied that the Nation was responsible for the
action of all its men, and that until it brought the ladrones
under control, or eliminated them, or helped the troops to do
so, he refused to listen to their pleas.40 His stand, moreover,
was in full accord with the position taken almost simultane-
ously by the department commander.41 No immediate renewal
of the overtures followed these pronouncements, but, shortly
thereafter, Canby learned that a collision had occurred
between the Navaho war and peace factions, in which blood
had been spilled over this issue.42
At this juncture, Colonel Fauntleroy authorized Canby to
take any steps that might be deemed necessary if the prose-
as. Canby to A. A. G., November 17, 1860. ibid., C53, 1860.
39. Id. to id., November 8, 1860, ibid., C49. 1860.
40. Id. to id., November 10, 1860, ibid., C50, 1860.
41. Maury to Canby, November 11, 1860, Dept. of N. M., LS, X, 496, No. 283.
42. Canby to A. A. G., November 10, 1860, Dept. of N. M., LR, C50, 1860.
ON THE NAVAHO TRAIL 51
cution of winter operations was thought advisable. And he
forthwith offered to place four more companies under the
lieutenant colonel's command for that purpose.43 In reply to
his superior's communication, Canby presented his views
on the situation at hand.
He had been seriously considering the possibility of win-
ter operations ever since the start of the campaign. Canby
stated that from the beginning he had known that the
Navaho policy was not to fight, and he was convinced that
they would not fight unless driven to points from which there
was no escape or unless forced to do so in defense of their
families and flocks. But the recent operations disillusioned
him. Even when the Navaho were pursued to the extreme
limits of their domains, the nature of the country still per-
mitted them to escape. He also discovered that they were
willing to abandon family and precious livestock rather
than engage the troops in whatever numbers. "Inhabiting a
country of considerable extent; greatly diversified in fea-
tures and climate; destitute of resources and impracticable
for military operations to an extent that can only be real-
ized from personal observation," Canby was certain that the
subjugation of the Navaho could not be accomplished in one,
or two, or, for that matter, three campaigns. He believed that
the work of a "continued and persistent" war, in summer
and winter, was required to turn the trick.
As the war party was now the dominant element in the
Navaho Nation, Canby maintained that no permanent peace
could be expected until they were ousted from power.
Deriving their subsistence to a great extent from the robberies
they commit, having little to lose and much to gain by the continuation
of the war, it will undoubtedly be protracted by them so long as they
can wield the power which they now possess of intimidating and con-
trolling the wealthier and less warlike part of the Nation.
He realized the futility of trying to discriminate between
the two, unless, that is, the "peaceable and well-disposed"
Navaho cooperated with the troops. This division of the
Nation, however, could not be brought about, Canby was
43. Maury to Canby, November 11. 1860. Dept. of N. M.. LS, X, 495. No. 288.
52 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
persuaded, until the more well-to-do elements of the tribe
were made to suffer greater injuries than they had thus far
sustained. "Any peace that may be made before this result
is attained would be a farce," he declared.
He therefore decided to direct his subsequent operations
against that class in an effort to "obtain a final settlement
of this question." To effect his policy of divide and conquer,
Canby proposed to occupy certain strategic points in the
Navaho country from which he could keep the Navaho in the
desert by summer and in the mountains by winter. Hitting
at the herds and flocks which constituted their main source
of wealth, he hoped to get them to acquiesce.44
The decision to continue the campaign during the winter
was just what the War Department ordered — in a directive
received by Canby early the next month.45 From mid-Novem-
ber until March, patrols were constantly in the field, ferret-
ing out the Navaho and harassing them with relentless pur-
suit. Moving with as much secrecy as possible, they scouted
around the circle for the foe.46 Often, they encountered him
not at all. But, in covering a wide expanse of territory, they
at least examined areas heretofore unexplored. Where major
Indian signs were found, as in the case along the Puerco,
Canby established temporary supply depots in the vicinity
in order to save the troops time and enable them to move
without the encumbrance of transportation.47 Navaho
parties which were surprised were attacked with the utmost
vigor. No warriors were taken, but, by Canby's orders, all
women and children captured were immediately released
with instructions to inform their people that there would be
no let-up in the operations until "the whole Nation" asked
for peace.48
44. Canby to A. A. G., November 12, 1860, Dept. of N. M., LR, C54, 1860.
45. See Maury to Canby, November 30, 1860, Dept. of N. M., LS, X, 508, No.
814.
46. See Canby to A. A. G., November 16, December 11, 1860, January 6, 14, and
28, and March 18, 1861, Dept. of N. M., LR, C52, C57, 1860, Cll, C17, and Enclosure
in C34, and Enclosures in C42, 1861, respectively.
47. Id. to id., December 11 and 24, 1860, ibid., C57, 1860 and C2, 1861, respectively.
48. See Maury to Fauntleroy, October 20, 1860, Dept of N. M., LS, X, 489, No.
269.
ON THE NAVAHO TRAIL 53
While the results of any one of the patrols was rela-
tively unimportant,49 in totality their achievements were
material.50 Canby learned from captive Navaho that the
Nation was "greatly perplexed and harassed" by the tactics
employed. They lived in constant dread of surprise and,
consequently, kept steadily on the move. Rarely did they
spend more than two nights in the same camp. They had lost
a great deal of stock by capture and from forced abandon-
ment in their hasty flights.51 By February, a large number
of them were "reduced to the verge of starvation." 52
Usually the saying, "As well might we send boys into a
cornfield to catch marauding crows ... as to start foot-
soldiers in pursuit of Indians," was true.53 But the equal-
izing effects of snow and cold weather, sometimes down to
16° below,64 contradicted, in part, the generalization that
"Infantry in the Indian country . . . are about the same use
as so many stumps."55
In his reports to the department commander, - Canby
commended the troops for their zeal and exertions,56 and, in
turn, Colonel Fauntleroy bolstered the expedition's morale
with words of praise for its efforts.57 Moreover, the colonel
also called the attention of the General-in-chief to his sub-
ordinate's energetic and able conduct of the campaign.58 The
governor of the Territory, in his December message to the
legislature, announced that he was informed that the opera-
tions were being executed by "Colonel Canby . . . with a
vigor and success as honorable to himself as to the valiant
49. Fauntleroy to Thomas, January 31, 1861, A. G. O., LR, 31 New Mexico De-
partment, 1861. Also see Canby to A. A. G., January 6, 1861, Dept. of N. M., LR. Cll,
1861.
50. Canby to A. A. G., January 28, 1861, Dept. of N. M., LR, C34, 1861.
51. Id. to id., January 6, 1861, ibid., Cll, 1861.
52. Id. to id., January 28, 1861, ibid., C34, 1861.
53. Quoted from the Daily Missouri Republican in A. B. Bender, "The Soldier
in the Far West," Pacific Historical Review, VIII (June, 1939), 161. 1848-1860.
54. Canby to A. A. G., January 6 and 28, 1861, Dept. of N. M., LR, Cll and C34,
1861, respectively.
55. Bender, "The Soldier in the Far West," loc. cit., 162.
56. See, for example, Canby to A. A. G., January 6, 1861, Dept. of N. M., LR,
Cll, 1861.
57. Maury to Canby, November 30, 1860, Dept. of N. M., LS, X, 508, No. 314.
58. Fauntleroy to Thomas, January 12, 1861, ibid., 539, No. 22.
54 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
troops under his command."59 All this was deeply gratify-
ing to Canby.60
During December, frequent overtures for a cessation of
hostilities were made. Canby began to hope that most of the
tribe would accede to the conditions which he had specified
as a necessary preliminary to peace. With their assistance,
the troops could then establish the identity and punish the
bands to which the rest of the Nation charged the responsi-
bility for all the robberies and killings that had occurred.
This policy seemed to him to afford the surest way of effect-
ing a speedy and permanent peace with the Navaho people.61
On December 23, Canby advised the department com-
mander that he had named the twelfth of January as the
day for a meeting with the Navaho chiefs. "I have consented
to this appointment," he explained, "from a conviction, that
there is now a strong disposition on the part of the Navajos
to submit to such conditions as will put an end to the War.
. . ." He did not expect immediate peace to result from the
conference, "but the discussion of the question in the Na-
tion," would, he believed, "test the relative strength of the
peace and war parties and force the better class of Navajoes
to side with the Troops in the prosecution of the War." In
any event, there was to be no interruption of active opera-
tions.62
On the appointed date, a delegation of three, representing
the principal chiefs of the Nation, met with Canby at Fort
Fauntleroy. The lieutenant colonel repeated the conditions
which he had set forth previously and endeavored to impress
upon the deputation, "fully and explicitly," the Nation's
present and future responsibility for the acts of its people.
The chiefs expressed their willingness to abide by his de-
mands and affirmed their determination to make war on
their bad men at once. They asked, however, that some ar-
rangement be made whereby their families would be safe
from molestation by the troops while they were engaged in
59. [Abraham Rencher], Message of the Governor of New Mexico, 1880, 17.
60. Canby to A. A. G., December 18, 1860. Dept. of N. M., LR, C5, 1861.
61. Id. to id., December 11, 1860, ibid., C67, 1860.
62. Id. to id., December 23, 1860. ibid., Cl. 1861.
ON THE NAVAHO TRAIL 55
hunting down the ladrones. After receiving the delegation's
assurances that they thoroughly comprehended the implica-
tions of everything to which they agreed, Canby, "upon
deliberate consideration," consented to a partial armistice.63
The terms of the truce applied only to the country west
of Fort Fauntleroy, and its extension was contingent upon
the outcome of the conference which all the chiefs of the
Nation were to attend on the fifth of February. The deputa-
tion was warned that if the tribe allowed any ladrones to
take refuge in the areas exempted from operations by the
armistice, such conduct would be regarded as a breach of
faith.64 But although he told the delegation that the conclu-
sion of a treaty depended upon their suppression of the
ladrones, Canby really didn't believe that they could accom-
plish the task alone. The outlaw bands, at least two in num-
ber and of indeterminate size,65 were supposed to be very
powerful, being composed of "the most warlike and des-
perate men of the Nation." He appreciated the fact that "it
will hardly be in the power of the peace party to subdue them
without . . . assistance." If the coming conference ended
favorably, however, he proposed to move against them.
And with the help of the friendly chiefs, he had "sanguine
hopes of success."66
Canby came away from the meeting with the feeling that
the Navajo fully recognized the necessity for submission.
A "Treaty satisfactory in its terms and in its promise of
permanency may now be made," he announced.67 Accord-
ingly, he turned his attention to the problem of drafting a
treaty.
Owing to the peculiar situation, habits and organization of this
Nation [Canby wrote the department commander] it will be extremely
difficult to manage the terms and conditions of a Treaty so that its
stipulations shall be free from future doubt or cavil. . . .
He had further :
63. Id. to id., January 13, 1861, ibid., C16, 1861.
64. Id. to id., January 14. 1861. ibid.. C17, 1861.
66. These were the bands of Armijo Viejo and Gallegos. Id. to id., January 13,
1861, ibid.. Enclosure in C34, 1861.
66. Id. to id., January 15. 1861. ibid., CIS. 1861.
67. Id. to id.. January 13, 1861, ibid., C16, 1861.
56 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
to guard against the disturbing elements that will constantly militate
against its permanency until a greater degree of isolation from their
immediate neighbors can be secured and some material changes effected
in their tribal organization and nomadic habits.68
On learning that Colonely Fauntleroy would not be able
to attend the conference, Canby submitted for that officer's
consideration the provisions which, in his judgment, ought
to be embraced in the treaty.69 These terms the department
commander approved, and in the letter conveying his sanc-
tion, the department adjutant concluded :
... he believes that the best guarantee he can have of the proper
adjustment of the difficulties with the Navajos, lies in the untrammeled
exercise of your judgment [sic]. To which he confidently entrusts the
whole business.70
On February 5, the council was held, only to find that
most of the chiefs had not yet arrived. Canby refused to
permit proxies, and since snow and bad weather had obvi-
ously detained many of the chiefs, he postponed the confer-
ence until the fifteenth.71
When that day dawned, twenty-four of the Navaho chiefs
were present. The pow-wow commenced. And Canby was
ready. During the past month — even more, since December —
he had availed himself of every opportunity to become famil-
iar with the character, standing, and influence of each chief
with whom he had to deal.72 He found out as much as he
could about Navaho characteristics, disposition, and habits,
and ascertained as nearly as possible their present circum-
stances and resources. Upon this information, he based his
actions in the conference.73
Immediately after it was over, Canby, in a note to Colonel
Fauntleroy, pronounced the results of the meeting "satis-
factory."74 This is what had happened :
68. Ibid.
69. Ibid.
70. Maury to Canby (Confidential), January 27, 1861, Dept. of N. M., LS, X, 640,
No. 35.
71. Canby to A. A. G., February 6, 1861, Dept. of N. M., LR, C30, 1861.
72. Id. to id.. December 27, 1860, ibid., C4, 1861.
78. Id. to id., February 19, 1861, ibid., C82, 1861.
74. Id. to id., February 15, 1861, ibid., C31, 1861.
ON THE NAVAHO TRAIL 57
The chiefs surrendered unconditionally. They accepted
the duty of controlling their people and suppressing the
ladrones, and they promised not to harbor them. They also
agreed to confine the movements of their Nation to the area
west of Fort Fauntleroy. They elected a head chief, to whom
they pledged allegiance, and they delegated twelve of their
number to arrange the details of the proposed treaty.
But this affair was not all one-sided. When the combina-
tions of outlaws became too strong for the Navaho chiefs to
handle, Canby promised the assistance of the troops. More-
over, he guaranteed to those who conformed to the provisions
of the treaty the protection of the government.
A convention was thereupon entered into by Canby and
the Navaho chiefs. Another general council was provided for,
to meet three months hence. In the interim, Canby was to
decide whether the Navaho were able to comply with the
conditions imposed upon them. If they were, the treaty was
to become final.75
At first, Canby had been disposed to exact "the most ex-
tensive conditions" from the Navahos, but their "reduced and
impoverished" status induced him to limit the requirements
to their ability to comply with them. "Justice and policy"
dictated such a course. As he later explained to Colonel
Fauntleroy :
The stipulations that I have made in their favor have been those
only which I consider it proper to make with a view to an absolute
and permanent peace. For the same reason I have not exacted from
them conditions which it is absolutely impossible for them to fulfil
and the subsequent enforcement of which would inevitably lead to the
indefinite continuation of hostilities and ultimate extermination of the
Nation.76
Soon after the meeeting, Canby went to Fort Defiance to
check up on the behavior of the Navaho living in that neigh-
borhood.77 By March 1, he had seen all the important chiefs,
thirty-two had signed the treaty, and a twenty day dead-line
75. See id. to id., February 18, 1861, and General Orders No. 14, February 19,
1861, Navajo Expedition and a copy of the Treaty in ibid., C32, 1861.
76. /bid.
77. /bid.
58 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
had been set for those who hadn't. "I am satisfied with the
present disposition of the Navajos," Canby informed the
department commander. "Whether this will continue when
the immediate pressure is removed must be determined by
the future but," he continued, "I am hopeful of the result if
they can be secured from outside aggressions."78
That problem was "one of the gravest difficulties" that
had to be apprehended in maintaining peace with these
people.79 That is why Canby delimitated the area that they
were to occupy and suggested that the territorial inhabitants,
red and white, be advised of the new state of affairs.80
In October, 1860, great numbers of Mexicans had been
reported as over-running the Navaho country.81 Colonel
Fauntleroy had informed the General-in-chief , as early as
September 9, that the unfortunate relations which rendered
necessary active operations was attributable, in part, to the
system of retaliatory and predatory incursions persisted in
by the citizens of the Territory. He had anticipated "trouble
and embarrassment" from the volunteer units which were
then being organized and armed "with the avowed purpose
of invading the Navajo country. . . ." He foresaw that the
officer whom he had chosen to conduct the campaign was
likely to be "disconcerted" by their interference.82 But not-
withstanding his assurances that there were regulars enough
to perform the task, the War Department's admonition that
their movement "must be discountenanced and prevented,"
and the Territorial governor's belated and half-hearted
efforts to dissuade them, companies of New Mexico volun-
teers took the field anyway.83
Colonel Fauntleroy was authorized by the Secretary of
War to take "efficient but quiet means" to keep these irregu-
lars from the field. No support or assistance was to be given
78. All had to ratify the treaty, see ibid. Also id. to id., March 1, 1861, ibid. En-
closure in C34, 1861.
79. Id. to id., February 19, 1861, ibid., C32, 1861.
80. Id. to id., March 18, 1861, ibid., C42, 1861. Also see Fauntleroy to Rencher,
February 27. 1861, Dept. of N. M., LS, X, 658, No. 83.
81. Maury to Fauntleroy, October 20, 1860, Dept. of N. M., LS, X, 489, No. 269.
82. Fauntleroy to Thomas, September 9, 1860, A. G. O., LR, 92 New Mexico De-
partment, 1860.
83. Ibid. ; S. Cooper, A. G., to Fauntleroy, October 29, 1860, A. G. O., LS, XXXIII,
58 ; and House Exec. Doc. No. 24, 36th Cong., 2d sess., 8 et aeq.
ON THE NAVAHO TRAIL 59
to them. And when they came to the posts, or in the vicinity
of the troops, they were to be deprived of their booty and
sent out of the Indian country. Moreover, these measures
were to be "executed with decision, but without clamor or
harshness. . . ,"84 So quietly, or so little, was this injunction
carried out that it is not known to what extent the operations
were hampered by private action. But starting February 27,
1861, this subject was referred to repeatedly.
A few days before, a party of thirty-one New Mexicans
from Taos had arrived at Fort Defiance in a starving condi-
tion. They had, some time prior, killed one man and six
women and childen, while capturing four women. But by
their own admission, they had nothing personal against the
Navaho. The prisoners were taken from them and returned
to their families. "As a matter of humanity," the New Mex-
icans were issued rations. Thereupon, these rogues, in mak-
ing their way to Fort Fauntleroy, committed "wanton ag-
gressions" upon property belonging to Navaho who had
remained friendly all during the recent campaign. Arriving
at the latter post, the New Mexicans obtained provisions to
carry them back to the settlements and ten of their number
received medical attention from the post surgeon for an
illness which unfitted them for travel. Nevertheless, they
proclaimed their intention to disregard the treaty and, after
reaching home, were determined to organize another expe-
dition to capture Navaho and sell them "over the river." The
inhabitants of other towns were said to be similarly resolved.
Unfortunately, there was nothing that Canby could do to
stop them, for that was in the province of the civil police
power.
Two Navaho, who were permitted to go east of Fort
Fauntleroy, were openly killed by New Mexicans. On the
twenty-fourth, two Navaho scouts in the service of the
United States, wearing distinctive markings, were fired upon
by a party from Jemez. One was killed and promptly
scalped. On March 11, half a hundred New Mexicans rustled
forty or fifty horses owned by a band of Navaho who were
living fifteen miles within the treaty-defined boundary. On
8T Cooper to Fauntleroy, October 29, 1860, A. G. O., LS, XXXIII, 58.
60 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
the eighteenth of March, the Navaho reported another in-
road by the same people, near the northeastern end of the
Tunicha Mountains. The people of fifteen rancherias were
killed or carried off. And in this instance, the families
harmed were those of some chiefs who were at that moment
absent recovering stolen property for the government.85
More than four hundred soldiers were employed along
the line to give protection to this part of the frontier. The
Navaho chiefs were doing their utmost to stop the perpetra-
tion of depredations on the settlements by members of their
tribe.86 "It is obvious," Canby declared, "that the best efforts
of the troops and the Navaho chiefs will be utterly useless
unless this marauding disposition can be restrained."87 He
confessed that, "It is discouraging to find that the past labors
of the troops are likely to be defeated by acts of this charac-
ter and that we have reason to fear that there is no better
prospect for the future."88 Somewhat in desperation, the
lieutenant colonel asserted that he would not hesitate to
treat as enemies of the United States any New Mexicans or
Indians who might be found in the country assigned to the
Navaho, while the latter were conforming to the conditions
of the treaty. But, as this was a matter of general policy, he
left it to the department commander to decide.89
Early in April, Lieutenant Colonel Canby visited Santa
Fe for a few days. While there, he was interviewed by a rep-
resentative from the Gazette and, in discussing the Navaho
situation, he expressed the sentiments which had governed
his actions to date. Referring to his remarks, the newspaper
commented :
It is most sincerely to be hoped that the anticipations of Col. Canby
will be fully realized. Should he be able to bring the Navajos to terms
and establish permanent peaceable relations between them and the
citizens of the Territory, he will be entitled to the greatest credit and
will be heartily thanked. . . .90
85. Canby to A. A. G., Dept. of N. M., February 27; ibid.. March 11. C40 ; ibid.,
March 18, C42, 1861.
86. Id. to id.. March 11, 1861, ibid.. C40, 1861.
87. Id. to id., February 27, 1861, ibid.
88. Id. to id., March 11, 1861, ibid., C40, 1861.
89. Id. to id., February 27, 1861, ibid.
90. Santa Fe Weekly Gazette, April 13, 1861.
ON THE NAVAHO TRAIL 61
But Canby was not to receive the plaudits of the terri-
torial populace. Though the armistice which he had made in
February was extended in May, to last for a year, Navaho
incursions were soon renewed — and at a time when the de-
partment commander's undivided attention was urgently
needed elsewhere.
Where then did someone err? What factors were not
taken into consideration? Whose fault was it that the efforts
of six long months went for naught?
Basicly, the Government's policy which regarded tribes
as political entities was wrong. In this case, the warriors of
the Navaho Nation, some 1,800 in number,91 had great per-
sonal freedom. The office of chieftain was unstable. Ability
in war and possession of wealth influenced the choice. The
head chief was a war chief, and enjoyed no authority in time
of peace.92 When Canby, guided presumably by the treaty
of December, 1858, made the Navaho elect a figure-head, and
called for collective responsibility, he fell into the same error
(if it is any compensation) that his immediate predecessor,
and many another government officer, had committed.93
The methods employed in bringing the Navaho to terms
were not those which a strict adherence to War Department
mandate admitted. The Secretary of War, in far-off Wash-
ington, had decreed the following general rule :
Both humanity and policy dictate that all efforts should have for
their object to inspire them [the Navajos] with fear by a few decisive
blows for the destruction of life; and not to impoverish them by
wantonly destroying their flocks and herds. The latter course must
inevitably convert the whole tribe into robbers, and leave no hope for
relief from their depredations except by their extermination. An alter-
native the Government wishes to avoid.94
That would have been the ideal way to conduct the war.
91. The American Annual Cyclopedia . . . [for] 1861 (New York, 1862), 375,
gives the population of the tribe as 9,000. Figuring the warriors to be one-fifth the
total, the number arrived at is 1,800.
92. Lipps, op. cit., 56-57. Also see Jacob P. Dunn, Jr., Massacres of the Moun-
tains . . . (New York, 1886), 254.
93. It is interesting to note the similarities in the treaties of December, 1858, and
February, 1861. See Reeve, "Federal Indian Policy in New Mexico," loc. cit., 229-230,
for the provisions of the former.
94. Cooper to Fauntleroy, October 29, 1860, A. G. O., LS, XXXIII, 58.
62 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
But, under the circumstances, how could the results desired
have been achieved? It is hard to see how the troops could
have delivered so decisive a blow as the War Department
contemplated, when they experienced such difficulty in catch-
ing up with the elusive foe. Canby followed the Secretary's
directive as closely as possible, but, with the department
commander's full approval, he seized Navaho flocks in the
belief that the Bureau of Indian Affairs would care for the
indigent. No evidence has been found, however, that the Bu-
reau furnished food to those left in danger of starvation by
the war. And that practice, Canby thought, was the "cheaper
remedy" for preventing future depredations.95
It is unfortunate that Canby's efforts were futile, par-
ticularly as, "In addition to professional [reasons]," he felt
"a personal interest in doing the utmost for the permanent
settlement of the Navaho troubles."96 Still, in view of past
occurrences, and even though the final responsibility rested
with Colonel Fauntleroy, he should have known better than
to make peace with the Navaho. Or, at least, he should have
been more cautious in doing so. It was obviously inconsistent
to demand collective responsibility on the part of the Navaho,
when he could not enforce his own promises to protect them
from outside aggressions. Yet even that would have been
all right, had the territorial officials taken steps to restrain
the citizens of the Territory. But the long-standing feud be-
tween the New Mexicans and the Navaho caused them to
condone many acts which should otherwise have been pun-
ished. The Navaho retaliated and the situation resumed the
status quo ante bellum.91
The means of the command also limited Canby. He knew
that the subjugation of the Navaho required more than the
present campaign. But there was no reason why he shouldn't
hope that what had been done might actually be all that was
needed to keep them in line. Perhaps he was blinded by his
own desire for peace — or maybe the Navaho chiefs out-
smarted him, never really intending to fulfill their promises.
96. Canby to A. A. G., February 19. 1861, Dept. of N. M., LR, C32, 1861.
96. Id. to id., March 11, 1861, ibid.. C39, 1861.
97. See Reeve, "Federal Indian Policy in New Mexico," loo. cit., 245-246.
ON THE NAVAHO TRAIL 63
At any rate, he was willing to see if a new treaty wouldn't
work. And so was Colonel Fauntleroy.
But there was yet another factor which contributed to
the failure of the campaign. There is no question that the
almost immediate withdrawal of the troops from the Navaho
country constitutes an important reason why inroads upon
the settlements were soon resumed. The hostile attitude of
the Mescalero and other bands of Apaches required the pres-
ence of the troops elsewhere. But more than that, "the finan-
cial embarrassments of the Department, growing out of the
disturbed conditions of our Country," made recall absolutely
necessary. As the department adjutant divulged in a con-
fidential letter to Lieutenant Colonel Canby on February 24,
"The latest intelligence from home (of date Washington City
— Feby. 8) is not calculated to abate the anxiety which now
oppresses every mind."98
Much had happened in national affairs while the Navaho
campaign was going on. Lincoln's election had resulted in the
secession of the lower South. In February, as Canby was con-
cluding negotiations with the Navaho chiefs, Brevet Major
General David E. Twiggs, U. S. A., was surrendering the
United States troops (nearly one-fifth the whole army) , the
military establishments, and all the public property in Texas
to the Texan "Commissioners on behalf of the Committee of
Public Safety."99 Many officers were resigning and were 'go-
ing with their States.' With April came Sumter. The call for
troops, the resulting secession of the upper South, and the
stage was set for the internecine struggle.
In the ninth military district of the United States the
last abortive Navaho expedition was over. Four years of
civil war were in the offing. All that was awaited to make
New Mexico the battleground of the far west was the Con-
federate invasion of the Territory. Once repulsed, attention
was again focused on the Nation of the Navaho.100
98. Maury to Canby, February 24, 1861, Dept. of N. M., LS, X, 555, No. 77.
99. Colonel Carlos A. Waite to Thomas, February 26, 1861, OR, I, 524. The sur-
render occurred on February 18.
100. See Reeve, "Federal Indian Policy in New Mexico," loc. eit., 248 et »eq.
CHECKLIST OF NEW MEXICO PUBLICATIONS
By WILMA LOY SHELTON
(Continued,)
U. S. Federal emergency relief administration. New Mexico.
Created in Feb. 1935 for the purpose of assuming the
state's responsibility in the fields of public welfare and
social security; absorbed by Works progress adminis-
tration.
Report on Federal relief administration in the state of New Mexico
to the House of representatives, eleventh New Mexico legislature
by Governor Arthur Seligman. Santa Fe, n.d. 7p.
New Mexico relief bulletin (Spanish edition) Sept. 24, 1934, April,
1935. v.l no. 1-2. mimeo.
New Mexico relief bulletin, v.l No. 1-34; v.2 No. 1-9; Jan. 22, 1934-
July-Aug., 1935. Santa Fe, 1934-1935.
Title varies:
v.l N. M. relief bulletin.
v.2 no. 1-4, N. M. emergency relief bulletin.
v.2 no. 5-8/9 The bulletin.
v.l no. 1-10, Jan 24, 1935-June, 1935 published by the N. M.
emergency relief administration and State civil works ad-
ministration; v.2 no. 8/9, July-August, 1935, published by New
Mexico emergency relief and Works progress administration.
No more published; superseded by the U. S. Works progress
administration, New Mexico bulletin.
Twelve examples of Navajo weaving from drawings cut on linoleum
blocks by Ruth Connely, under the Public works of art project.
Thirteenth regional committee . . . contributed by the Thirteenth
regional committee of the Public works of art project and the New
Mexico relief administration, distributed through the courtesy of
the Santa Fe Indian school. Santa Fe, 1935. 12 col. plates.
News release for Spanish newspapers. Santa Fe, 1935.
U. S. Works progress administration. New Mexico.
Established in May 1935 as Emergency relief adminis-
tration in order to provide relief and increase employ-
ment by undertaking useful projects ; from July 1, 1939
the name was W. P. A.
64
CHECKLIST 65
Bulletin; official weekly of the New Mexico Works progress adminis-
tration. Santa Fe, 1935.
v. 1 nos. 1-15; Sept. 19, 1935-June-July, 1936.
Title varies;
v. 1 #12-15 Report (continuing the Bulletin)
Calendar of events, compiled and written by Federal writer's project;
illus. by Federal art project of N. M., 1937, Works progress admin-
istration; sponsored by the Santa Fe civic league and chamber of
commerce, Santa Fe, New Mexico. (Santa Fe, 1937) (32) p.
(American Guide series)
Digest of public welfare provisions under the laws of the state of
N. M. Nov. 15, 1936. Prepared by Robert C. Lowe and Donna S.
Adams, legal research sections under the supervision of A. Ross
Eckler, coordinator of special inquiries, Division of social research,
p. 2901-2947.
Handbook n.p.n.d. unp. mimeo.
Over the turquoise trail, compiled by the workers of the Federal
writer's project of the Works progress administration of N. M.
v. 1 no. 1 Santa Fe (1937) 40p. (American guide series)
New Mexico. Northport, New York, Bacon and Wieck (1941) 32p.
(American recreation ser. no. 30)
comp. by workers of W. P. A. Writers project, Coronado cuarto
centennial commission statewide sponsor of the project.
New Mexico; a guide to the colorful state, compiled by workers of the
Writers' program of the Works progress administration in the
state of New Mexico . . . Sponsored by the Coronado cuarto cen-
tennial commission and the University of New Mexico. New York,
Hastings house, 1940. 458p. (American guide series)
New Mexico; a guide to the colorful state, compiled by workers of the
Writers' program of the Works progress administration in the
state of New Mexico . . . Sponsored by the Coronado cuarto cen-
tennial commission and the University of New Mexico. 2d ed. Al-
buquerque, The University of New Mexico press, 1945. 458 (i.e.
474) p. (American guide series)
The Spanish-American song and game book . . . Compiled by workers
of the Writers' program, Music program, and Art program of the
Works progress administration in the state of New Mexico. Spon-
sored by the University of New Mexico. New York, A. S. Barnes
and company (1942) 87p.
Report of work conference for teachers and leaders in literary educa-
tion and recreation. Arranged by Mamie Meadors, under direction
of Nina Otero Warren. Santa Fe, 1937. mimeo.
Spanish-American singing games of New Mexico. W. P. A. music
project unit no. 3 Rev. 1940. (N.P. 1940) 3p. 27 numb, leaves.
66 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Washington narrative report for New Mexico Works progress admin-
istration v. 1 no. l-(no.lT) Sept. 19, 1935-Aug.-Sept., 1936. Santa
Fe, 1935-36. 17 nos. in 1 v.
Title varies.
No more published.
Veterans' service commission.
Laws of 1919 created a Soldiers settlement board; in
1927 called Disabled soldiers relief commission; in 1929
name was changed to N. M. Veterans' Service commis-
sion. The general purpose is to assist veterans, their
widows and children in obtaining any information that
may be of service to them in connection with any rights
they may have acquired as veterans and to assist them
in prosecuting any claims that they may have.
Laws, benefits, rights and privileges relating to veterans. lOp.
Laws relating to veterans enacted by the state of New Mexico, comp.
by Soldiers relief commission. Santa Fe, n.d. (24) p.
Laws relating to veterans enacted by the 14th legislature. Santa Fe, n.d.
(2) p. mimeo.
Minutes of the first meeting of the Soldier settlement board. Albuquer-
que, 1919. 3p. typew.
Our public domain and the new development era; by Edward Everett
Young, chairman. Santa Fe, 1919. 24p.
Service officers' manual, compiled and edited by John W. Chapman.
July, 1936. 86p. (Loose leaf forms)
Reports of the governor of New Mexico to the Secretary of
the Interior, 1879-1911. Washington, Govt. printing of-
fice, 1879-1911. 31v.
1878-79 (Lew Wallace)
1879-80 no report submitted
1880-81 17p. (L. A. Sheldon)
1881-82 no report submitted
1882-83 9p. (L. A. Sheldon)
1883-84 lip. (L. A. Sheldon)
1884-85 lip. (E. G. Ross)
1885-86 12p. (E. G. Ross)
1886-87 19p. (E. G. Ross)
1887-88 18p. (E. G. Ross)
CHECKLIST 67
1888-89 25p. (L. B. Prince)
1889-90 50p. (L. B. Prince)
1890-91 44p. (L. B. Prince)
1891-92 39p. (L. B. Prince)
1892-93 33p. (W. L. Thornton)
1893-94 45p. (W. L. Thornton)
1894-95 75p. (W. L. Thornton)
1895-96 75p. (W. L. Thornton)
1896-97 164p. (M.A. Otero)
1897-98 252p. (M. A. Otero)
1898-99 376p. (M.A. Otero)
1899-1900 445p. (M. A. Otero)
1900-01 546p. (M.A. Otero)
1901-02 680p. (M. A. Otero)
1902-03 674p. (M. A. Otero)
1903-04 304p. (M. A. Otero)
1904-05 225p. (M. A. Otero)
1905-06 108p. (H. J. Hagerman)
1906-07 32p. (George Curry)
1907-08 27p. (George Curry)
1908-09 28p. (George Curry)
1909-10 39p. (Wm. J. Mills)
1910-11 45p. (Wm. J. Mills)
These reports contain information relative to the territory of New
Mexico, its population, resources, industries, climate, general
development, etc. They are among the documents which accom-
pany the annual reports of the Secretary of the Interior and
therefore are found in the Congressional and Message and docu-
ment series. They are also issued in separate form.
(To be continued)
Notes and Documents
One of the most stirring episodes in the history of New
Mexico was the surprisingly sudden and almost bloodless cap-
ture of that province in August of 1846 by the American
troops under General Stephen W. Kearny.* Our knowledge
of this invasion stems almost entirely from American
sources: from the official records of the War Department,
from the journals of the Santa Fe traders, from the diaries
of Kearny's own soldiers. Therefore, we know the story as
told by the conquerors. But what of the conquered?
As a matter of record the New Mexicans did feel called
upon to explain, and their reports have been on file in the
archives of Mexico for more than a hundred years. Two of
their reports, in English translation, are now made public.
They represent both the official and the unofficial New Mexi-
can versions of how the American invasion was received.
One of these documents was a report written to the Presi-
dent of Mexico from Santa Fe on September 26, 1846, and
signed by 105 citizens. Among these were many of the most
prominent persons in the province. This represents the un-
official report, but in most respects it is more reliable as a
document than the official account. The latter was written
by Governor Armijo at Chihuahua on September 8, 1846, and
sent with three supporting letters to the Minister of Foreign
Relations, Interior, and Police at Mexico City. Still another
report was made by the Assembly of New Mexico, from
Santa Fe on August 20, 1846, but it was obviously more con-
cerned with villifying Armijo than with reporting the events.
Since it is not nearly so full an account as that given by the
citizens, its text is not presented here. All three of these docu-
ments are on file in the Archivo de la Secretaria de Relacio-
nes Exteriores in Mexico City.1
* These documents with critical comments were submitted for publication by Pro-
fessor Max L. Moorhead, Professor of History at the University of Oklahoma.
1. Ciudadanos de Nuevo Mexico, Relacidn de la invasidn norteamericana,
L.E.-1088, Tomo XXXIV. 270-282; Gobernador de Nuevo Mexico, Sobre la invasi6n a
su Departamento, L.E.-1085. Tomo XXXI, 171-179 ; Asamblea del Departamento de
Nuevo Mexico, Manifesto, L.E.-1093, Tomo XXXIX, 76-79. These manuscripts were
68
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 69
Curiously enough, none of these reports mentions the part
played in the American invasion by the merchant James
Wiley Magoffin. Magoffin was commissioned by President
Polk on June 18, 1846, to "render important services" in the
occupation of New Mexico. He accompanied Captain Philip
St. George Cooke and a small military escort from the
American camp on the Arkansas to Santa Fe and delivered
Kearny's ultimatum to Governor Armijo on August 12.
There is abundant, though inconclusive, evidence indicating
that Magoffin persuaded Armijo and his lieutenant-governor
to surrender the province without resistance,2 but neither
the governor nor the citizens (nor for that matter the As-
sembly) even mention Magoffin.
In comparing the two contradictory reports which fol-
low, it should be kept in mind that both the citizens and the
governor of New Mexico were trying to absolve themselves
from blame for their failure to defend the province. In Ar-
mijo's case the attempt to justify his action may have been
born of desperation as he was then facing a court-martial
in Chihuahua.
Report of the Citizens of New Mexico to the President of Mexico
Santa Fe, September 26, 1846
Very Excellent Senor Presidente:
We, the citizens of New Mexico, desiring that a circumstantial re-
lation of the manner and means by which the North American Republic
took possession of this country be made known to Your Excellency, have
deemed it our duty to make an exact report to Your Excellency of what
happened. The object of our intention is to relate the facts as they oc-
curred and to explain the circumstances in which we found ourselves.
We do not wish to attack the reputation of any person unjustly, [but]
we do wish that the conduct of New Mexico on finding itself invaded by
the troops of North America be published, as we are all proud of our
good reputation and fame. It will be difficult for us to cite the dates of
the official communications of the period as we do not have them at
hand, but we still remember the principal incidents, since they are so
recent, and we shall relate them to Your Excellency in the order they
happened and without adulteration.
At the end of last June the Prefect of the 2nd District [Taos] ad-
found and copied as part of a research project sponsored by the American Philosophi-
cal Society.
2. See especially "The Magoffin Papers," edited by William E. Connelley, in His-
torical Society of New Mexico, Publications, No. 24 (1921), 42-63.
70 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
vised the Very Excellent Governor and Commandant-General Don
Manuel Armijo with special urgency that he had been assured that
some of the citizens of the new settlement of Poni had been on the
Vermejo River with some soldiers of the United States who told them
that a little way up-stream there was a party of six hundred troops,
the vanguard of an army sent to invade this Department; and that
the main body of that army was already coming here from the Ar-
kansas River.3
Immediately, on July 1st, His Excellency issued a circular to the
commandants of the militias of the three districts of the Department,
ordering them to place their companies and all inhabitants from the
ages of sixteen to fifty-nine, inclusive, under arms and bring to the
capital of Santa Fe all the forces they could muster from the 1st and
3rd Districts, leaving those of the 2nd on the Taos frontier. The com-
mandant of the latter sent a party to reconnoiter the frontier, and Sr.
Armijo arranged for Lieutenant Don Tomas Armijo to do the same.
Both the party mentioned and the said Lieutenant returned in a few
days and reported that although they had reached the Vermejo River,
they had found signs that only a small party of Americans had been
there; that it could not be learned whether they were troops or hunt-
ers; but that they had retired toward the Arkansas. As a result, Sr.
Armijo issued another circular, on July 8, ordering all the inhabitants
who had been mobilized to return to their homes but to be ready for
action at a moment's notice.
On the 10th of the same month His Excellency received another
message, sent from the town of Independence by four New Mexican
merchants, advising him that, at the time they were writing, a re-
spectable body of the North American army was marching toward this
Department to occupy it on orders of the United States; that the
General who commanded it had assured them that their mercantile in-
terests would run no risk, whatever the results of the expedition should
be ; that he was allowing them to send this letter and was giving orders
to his advance troops not to impede its passage. The only thing denied
them was for their merchandise to go on in advance of the army, they
being expressly ordered to place it in the rear guard.
Thus, assured of the march of the invading army, Sr. Armijo called
a meeting of the authorities and principal residents of the Department,
including the licentiates Don Antonio Jaquez and Don Jesus Palacios
of Chihuahua, who, also being in the Department, were summoned to
Santa Fe. And having shown the said junta the contents of the com-
munication he had received and having consulted with it as to whether
3. According to the Assembly of New Mexico, Governor Armijo had been in
correspondence with "influential persons" in the United States for a long time, and
especially since January, and that he had received advance warnings of the impending
American invasion. By May at the latest he knew beyond all doubt that the invasion
was being prepared. Asamblea de Nuevo Mexico, Manifesto, Aug. 20, 1846, toe. tit.,
76-77.
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 71
or not the Department should be defended, His Excellency called upon
Sr. Palacios, who declared that in his opinion the question of whether
or not the Department should be defended should not be even considered
as the right to do so was well recognized, that the purpose of the junta
should be merely to discuss the means of defence. Sr. Jaquez expressed
substantially the same idea, and after a long discussion in which all
exhibited their utmost patriotism, they concluded by offering that His
Excellency might dispose of their lives and properties for the defence
of the country. His Excellency offered his most expressive gratitude for
the feelings which they harbored. Reiterating that they should be ready
on a moment's notice, he explained that, for his part, he was prepared
to sacrifice his own life and property on the altars of the fatherland.
With that he dissolved the junta.
On the 1st or 2nd of August, Don Pio Sambrano, a merchant from
Chihuahua, arrived at this city and advised His Excellency that the
North American expedition was coming; that the army was composed
of five thousand men, more or less;4 that it carried fourteen pieces of
artillery ; that it had already begun its march from Bent's Fort toward
this city; and that an officer would arrive within three or four days
with papers from the North American general addressed to His Excel-
lency Sr. Armijo.
This came to pass, and the contents of the correspondence mentioned
reduced itself to General Kearny telling Sr. Armijo that he was com-
ing under orders of the government of the United States to take
possession of this Department and would attack if resistance were
made; if not, he would respect the lives, property, and religion of its
inhabitants.5 Sr. Armijo answered that he did not wish to surrender
the Department under his command, nor should he, nor could he; that
the people under his leadership harbored these same feelings.6 Later
His Excellency received news through various channels that the invad-
ing army was composed of only one thousand five hundred men.
In these circumstances he re-issued orders to the three Districts
through their military chiefs and prefects to muster all the military
and civilian forces available at once and concentrate them in Santa
Fe. These events he reported to the honorable Assembly at once and
asked it for funds amounting to one thousand pesos to cover the needs
of the regular troops. The very excellent corporation responded by
giving him authority to negotiate a loan of the said sum, the Depart-
ment's revenues being mortgaged under the responsibility of the same
4. This exaggeration may have been due to the presence of a large caravan of
merchants accompanying the army. Sambrano was apparently one of the Mexican
merchants engaged in the Missouri trade who, along with the American merchants,
were restrained from going on ahead of the American forces. After reaching his camp
on the Arkansas, Kearny allowed Sambrano to proceed to Santa Fe to inform the New
Mexican government of the intentions of the U. S. troops. See Asamblea de Nuevo
Mexico, Manifesto, loc. cit., 77.
6. For the full text of Kearny's letter to Armijo, see below.
6. For the full text of Armijo's reply to Kearny, see below.
72 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
very excellent corporation. Sr. Armijo did not utilize this resource.
On August 8th the forces from outside began to arrive at this city,
and on the 14th they began to leave in order to situate themselves in
the Canon de Pecos, five leagues from here.7 On that day His Excel-
lency also began to exempt from joining the campaign all those who
paid him a given sum, from, twenty to two hundred pesos, and these
amounted to forty-five persons. He also ordered the opening of a
voluntary subscription under the direction of the Prefect of this city
in order to collect cash for the expenses of the campaign, and he re-
ceived the sum which the said Prefect collected. We do not know what
the total was, nor what disposition he made of it. Afterwards he ordered
that the municipal funds of the very illustrious Council of this city be
surrendered to him for the same purpose. This was done, but he refused
to give receipt for the one hundred and seventy-some pesos which were
delivered. On the 15th he dictated a measure providing for the seizure
of horses and mules from the residents of this city in order to mount
his regular troops. These consisted of two hundred and fifty dragoons
and garrison soldiers,8 many of whom were still unmounted as the
horses and mules which had been previously received from the citizens
outside the capital had not been sufficient for this purpose.
More than four thousand men — mounted, armed, and supplied with
ammunition as best they could at their own expense — presented them-
selves to His Excellency to aid in the defense of the country.9 For sixty
leagues around from this city these masses rushed in at the call of
their government, abandoning their families and property. These they
left exposed to the incursions of the savages, who, not losing the oppor-
tunity offered them, attacked several points on the frontier, stealing
what they could, killing several families, and carrying off some women
and children as prisoners.
On the 16th Sr. Armijo left this city with his dragoons and the
remaining residents for the said Canon de Pecos, where the other
inhabitants were waiting encamped. They carried four pieces of artil-
lery of 4- and 6-calibre narrow-taper. He also issued an order for the
members of the very excellent Departmental Assembly and the prin-
cipal residents of this city and the surrounding country who were pres-
ent to accompany him. This was carried out in part. Having camped in
the said canyon and having convened the members of the honorable
Assembly there, His Excellency invited them to advise him whether
to defend the Department or enter into negotiations with the enemy.
To this one of the gentlemen replied that such was not the place for
deliberations; that they had gathered there not as members of the
very excellent corporation, although they were proud of belonging to
7. According to Armijo's report, the order for the recruits to assemble at Santa
Fe was issued August 9, and they were finally assembled there August 14. See below.
8. There were two hundred regulars according to Armijo. See below.
9. The Assembly's report also says there were over four thousand recruits.
Asamblea de Nuevo Mexico, Manifiesto, Joe. cit., 77. Armijo reported that they amounted
to only eighteen hundred. See below.
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 73
it, but as soldiers; that it behooved them to act as such, doing as they
were ordered. Thereupon His Excellency assembled the militia officers
and the leading inhabitants and consulted with them on the course he
should follow under the circumstances. The only one who spoke said
that they had been gathered in the field to fight, that they should and
wished to do so. His Excellency then replied that he would not risk
facing battle with people lacking military training, and that he would
do whatever seemed fitting to him and with his [regular] troops. After
that he ordered them [the militia and civilians] to return to their
homes. Then he assembled the officers of the regular troops and con-
sulted with them on the measures to be taken, the enemy being then
five leagues away. They replied that they would advance and give
battle. When this decision was heard by the troops, it was received
with simultaneous vivas and spontaneous acclamation. His Excellency
then said he [too] was resolved to press forward. But as soon as the
citizenry retired, instead of advancing he and the dragoons and artil-
lery retreated.10
On leaving this city, Sr. Armijo left the political and military com-
mand of the Department in charge of the Secretary of Government
[Juan Bautista Vijil y Alarid], ignoring those whom the laws desig-
nated to occupy these posts.
This Very Excellent Sir, is what happened in the Department of
New Mexico and to its inhabitants. On retiring from the field on orders
from Sr. Armijo, they were publicly insulted with the epithet of
cowards by this same gentleman after they had rallied to him in
compliance with their duty and desire.
We later learned that His Excellency took similar leave of the
members of the Department's garrison companies: the Santa Fe,
Taos, and Vado. He ignored the good and constant services of these old
troops of the Mexican Republic who had given no cause for being
treated in such a manner. He then abandoned the artillery and took
with him about thirty or forty dragoons from the regular cavalry's 2nd
and 3rd regiments, apparently those whom he deemed necessary for an
escort through the deserted terrain which he crossed in his shameless
flight. He also took the horses and mules which he had seized from the
inhabitants and on which his troops were mounted.11
As a result, the troops of the United States occupied this city on
August 18th without the slightest resistance.
Very Excellent Sir, we wish that the conduct of our governor and
10. This account of the patriotic disposition of both the civilian and regular troops
is substantially the same as that reported by the Assembly. Asamblea de Nuevo Mexico,
Manifiesto, loc. cit., 78. Armijo's report offers a quite different version. See below.
11. According to the Assembly, Armijo, after dismissing the auxiliary forces,
retreated to Canada de los Alamos, where he spent the night. That evening some deser-
tion occurred, and on the next day (August 17), he dismissed all except the dragoons.
Asamblea de Nuevo Mexico, Manifiesto, loc. cit., 78-79. According to Armijo, all deserted
except seventy dragoons, and they accompanied him on his retreat to Chihuahua. See
below.
74 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
commandant-general, Don Manuel Armijo, had been other than it was
as we are all interested in the good name and reputation of the Mexi-
can Republic and the honor of its army. There were not lacking those
who would have advised His Excellency as a last resort in those anxious
circumstances to send an official communication to the North American
general saying that he was retiring with his military forces to the
right bank of the Rio Bravo del Norte until the Mexican government
should give him further orders, as they were not sufficient to give
battle; that he would protest before the entire world, before God and
men, that he did not recognize this Department as territory of the
United States, as it had never been a part of Texas; but that, obliged
by the circumstances, he was beginning a military retreat, declaring
with the greatest solemnity that the Department of New Mexico was
not surrendering to the republic of North America. But he did not wish
to adopt this measure. It would have saved his military reputation
and in some measure covered his responsibility.
Since the middle of last June His Excellency Sr. Armijo knew be-
yond doubt that the [American] expedition would arrive this year. He
also received definite news of the said expedition on July 10th, through
the four merchants from this Department whom we have mentioned.
Very early in August, Sr. Don Pio Sambrano arrived at this city and
he, too, told him that the said expedition was on the road. If he had
mustered the citizenry in July which he gathered later; if he had
marched with it and his troops to meet the enemy then, not at the
gateway of the city as he did, but at the greatest possible distance from
it; if he had not allowed the more than fifty thousand pesos entering
the frontier customs house of this city in July to be invested in other
than the organization of the country's defense; if he had raised and
trained companies for that purpose, as he had more than enough men
with arms, horses, and their own equipment; if the money he collected
from exempting some individuals from the campaign had been put to
the same use; if he also had designated the same purpose for that
collected by voluntary subscription in this city and for that which he
received from the municipal funds; if he had arranged in time for the
production of munitions of war, for which there was more than enough
powder and lead in the Department ; if he had purchased some food sup-
plies to have in reserve ; if he had taken advantage of the good disposi-
tion which all of the citizens exhibited at the junta which he convoked in
this city, in which they offered him their lives and property; if he had
accepted the generous offers of the same which the visiting vicar and
various other wealthy residents of the Department had made him;
and finally, if he had personally marched to the frontier with the
forces which he could have had at his disposal : without doubt we would
have fought the invaders, firing at them day and night. We would have
managed to surprise them and seize their horses, to ambush them in
the waterless deserts, to burn their pasturage, to take advantage of
the almost inaccessable mountain passes which they had to cross, and,
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 75
finally, we would have made some kind of resistance. It would be a great
deal for us to venture that victory would have crowned our efforts, but
at least we would have had the honor of having tried. Nothing, abso-
lutely nothing was done. And Sr. Armijo can say full well: / have lost
everything, including honor.
More than four thousand men are witness to the deeds which we
have related. The entire Department is convinced of the truth of our
assertions, and our honor, more than any other consideration, has
obliged us to send Your Excellency this repetitious manifesto so that
at no time may it be believed that we have been a disgrace to the Mexi-
can nation, with which we are bound by so many ties. We offer Your
Excellency our most distinguished respects and attentive considerations.
God and Liberty. Santa Fe. September 26, 1846.
[signed]12 Antonio Sandoval; Juan A. Ortiz, vicario foraneo; Tomas
Ortiz; Vicente Otero; Jose Francisco Baca y Terras, prefecto interino
del Departamento ; Donaciano Vigil ; Jose Serafin Ramirez y Casanoba,
contador de la tesoreria; Jose Francisco Ortiz, capitan de Ejercito;
Pablo Dominguez; Francisco Sabedra; Nicolas Pino; Antonio Jose
Otero; Manuel Doroteo Pino; Jose Maria Uranga [?]; Jose Maria
Abreu; Miguel de Olona [?] y Ortiz; Nicolas Quintana; Toribio
Sedillo; Cesilio Robles; Domingo Fernandez; Tomas Armijo; Francisco
Baca Ortiz, capitan de Ejercito; Antonio Sena y Rivera; Miguel E.
Pino; Jose Francisco Sena; Ignacio Moya; Juan Esteban Sena; Jose
Fenovio [?] ; Juan Otero; Anastacio Sandoval; Jesus Maria de Arce y
Olguin; Manuel Antonio Otero; Felipe Sandoval; Francisco Sandoval;
Nerio Antonio Montolla; Francisco Ortiz y Delgado, capitan de Ejer-
cito; Narciso Feliz; Simon Delgado; Tomas Rivera; Bto. Amo. Larra-
goitio [?]; Manuel Navares; Jose del Balle; Jorge Ramirez; Antonio
Alarid y Sanchez; Jose Miguel Romero; Jose Emeterio Perea; Fer-
nando Ortiz y Delgado ; Manuel Delgado ; Clemente Sarrasino, prefecto
del Distrito; Jose Antonio Otero, casa de Sandia; Julian Perea; Juan
Perea; Jose Maria Gutierrez; Jose Perea; Julian Lucero [?]; Bias
Lucero; Jose Francisco Tilla [?]; Juan Jose Lucero; Santiago Gon-
salez; Juan Domingo Valensia; Mariano Yrizarri; Jose Gonsalez;
Manuel Armijo [obviously not Gov. Armijo]; Rafael Armijo; Jose
Maria [?], juez de la Ynstancia; Juan Sanches y Castillo, juez
de paz de Valencia; Andres Lujan; Vicente Armijo; Francisco Aragon;
Manuel Sanchez; Pedro Otero; Francisco Antonio Otero; Salvador
Gonsalez; Jose Chavez; Jose Gregorio Aragon; Juan Salazar; Miguel
Antonio Otero; Bentura Toledo; Jose Salazar; Jose de Jesus Lujan;
Jose de Jesus Baca; Felipe Valles; Jose Salazar y Otero; Jose Ygnacio
Salazar; Jose Antonio Chavez; Juan de Jesus Chavez; Jose Francisco
Chavez y Baca; Juaquin Alejandro Bassan; Mariano Silva; Juan
Geronimo Flora [?]; Miguel Beita; Nicolas Valencia, cura de Belen;
12. There are 105 of these signatures, some few of which are so badly scrawled
that their identity is in question.
76 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Francisco Pino; Antonio Jose Castillo; Jose Maria Chaves y Pino;
Bisente Baca; Jose Felipe Castillo; Manuel Pino; Juaquin Padilla;
Thomas Luna [ ?] ; Antonio Jose Luna ; Francisco Sarracino ; J Manuel
Gallegos; Juan Nepomuceno Gutierrez; Jose Vicente Suarez [?], cura
del Socorro.
Report of Gov. Manuel Armijo to the Minister of Foreign Relations,
Interior and Police
CHIHUAHUA, SEPTEMBER 8, 1846
By the special communications which I sent to Your Excellency13
the Very Excellent Sr. General-in-Chief of the Army of the Republic,
who today assumes the Executive authority of the nation, will be
advised that the United States, that perfidious and faithless power,
sent a force numbering from three to four thousand men14 to occupy
the State under my command. Immediately I formed auxiliary com-
panies with their respective chiefs, [composed] of all the citizens in the
Department who had arms; I sent out scouts to observe them, and
they advised me of everything. And I reported to the commandants-
general of Chihuahua and Durango, informing them that with the small
military force which I had, it was impossible to resist that which was
coming from the United States to invade my Department; that even
though I had some armed citizens, in all they were short of artillery,
and I had no means at all of supplying them; and that I hoped that
out of the patriotism they would reinforce me without loss of time in
the most efficacious manner possible so as to punish the boldness of
those usurpers who were coming to make themselves masters of the
richest and most fertile departments in the Nation. While awaiting
these reinforcements (which I did not receive because the Commandant-
General of Chihuahua was unable to reach even the first settlements of
my Department and that of Durango did not even leave his capital),
but not failing to prepare my own defence, making use of such re-
sources as my Department had, I received notice on the 9th of last
month [August] from the scouts which I had sent that the forces of the
United States were at Bent's Fort.15 I also learned, through one of the
Mexicans who managed to leave the enemy camp and join my scouts,
that the force which was coming was of not less than two thousand
five hundred men, nor more than three thousand; that they carried
twenty-four pieces of artillery of large calibre, well-supplied and well-
mounted. On the llth Captain Cu [Cooke] with twelve dragoons pre-
sented himself to me and delivered a communication from the chief of
the enemy forces, which I enclose for Your Excellency, in the copy
13. These earlier and presumably briefer reports are not on file in the Archivo de
la Secretaria de Relaciones Exteriores.
14. See above, f.n.4.
15. According to the report of the citizens, Armijo received this information on
the 1st or 2nd of August. See above.
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 77
marked No. I.16 It was answered immediately in the terms which Your
Excellency will see in the copy No. 2.17
On the 9th of the month mentioned, when I learned that the enemy's
forces were at Bent's Fort, I ordered the auxiliary companies that I
had formed to be moved.18 At last, on the 14th, I got them assembled —
one thousand eight hundred men in number 19 — not having been able to
accomplish this before because they were dispersed throughout the towns.
And on the 15th I gave orders for them to march out of Santa Fe and
await me at seven or eight leagues distance, where I joined them with
two hundred men, which including the officers was all the [regular]
military force there was in the Department.20 On the 16th I started my
march with the said force, and on the same day I joined the auxiliaries
who were waiting for me.
As I was informed that all of the auxiliary companies were not dis-
posed to offer resistance, I immediately convoked a junta of officers
with all of the most influential persons of the Department who accom-
panied me for the purpose of endorsing my decision. After they were
convened I informed them that the enemy forces were two leagues away,
that the hour of combat was approaching, that their patriotism and
the advantageous position which we held [Apache Pass] made me
believe that we would obtain a complete victory, and finally I stirred
up their patriotism by every means I could think of. But unfortunately
all was in vain. The first indication which the captains of the auxiliary
companies gave me was that the soldiers did not want to offer any
resistance because they did not have supplies or artillery, and that
they did not wish to sacrifice themselves uselessly and fill their country
with more calamities. Having just made this manifestation, all re-
treated, and only the two hundred men with whom I had left Santa Fe
remained with me. Later I convoked a council of officers in which it
was resolved unanimously to retreat until we could join forces with the
Commandant-General of Chihuahua, which should [then] have been
very near our first settlements. This resolution I adopted as I believed
it to be prudent under those circumstances. I suspected with good
reason that the garrison companies, which comprised the major part
of my force, would take the same resolution as our auxiliaries. This
occurred that night. All the others deserted, and on the following day
[August 17th] the remainder, leaving only of the said companies Cap-
tain Antonio Sena, the prefect of the 1st District of Santa Fe; Gradu-
ate Lieutenant Colonel Francisco Martinez, and Alferez Caspar Ortiz,
worthy certainly of the consideration of the Supreme Government, for
16. See below.
17. See below.
18. The report of the citizens implies that the order was issued earlier in stating
that the forces began to arrive in Santa Fe on August 8th. See above.
19. "Over four thousand men," according to the citizens' report. See above.
20. According to the citizens the militia began to leave Santa Fe on August 14th
rather than the 15th, and the regulars numbered two hundred and fifty men. See above.
78 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
they abandoned their families and possessions rather than follow the
bad example of their comrades.21
On the 17th, my forces being reduced to seventy dragoons with three
pieces of artillery and one howitzer, badly-mounted and worse-sup-
plied, I began my march [i. e., retreat] . That evening, having received
word that I was being pursued by the enemy, I decided to force my
march and, the artillery impeding me, I ordered it spiked at El Mano
de las Gallinas, between the points of Galisteo and Serillos. On the
20th I made special report of all these occurrences to the Command-
ant-General of Chihuahua,22 assuring him that I would force my
marches as much as possible until joining his forces, but no matter
how strenuously I did so, I was unable to reach them short of the town
of El Paso del Norte. There I put the small force that remained with
me at his orders, and from there we continued our march to this
capital [Chihuahua].
These, Very Excellent Senor, are the facts which caused me with
deepest sorrow to retreat from my Department. They prove sufficiently
that there was no other prudent resolution to adopt. Why and with
what justice should I decide to sacrifice uselessly the Valient Seventy
who accompanied me when they could come to this frontier (which finds
itself threatened by the same enemies and exposed to the same fate as
my Department) , increase the ranks of their brothers, and if necessary
sacrifice themselves, but with honor and for the glory of the Nation?
These are the sentiments in my heart, proved by the facts. I aban-
doned my family and my property, and with the dignity which my post
requires, I refused the offers of my enemies, as Your Excellency will
see in the accompanying letter, No. 3,23 in order to come to this fron-
tier and offer my services to the Excellent Sr. Governor and to the
Commandant-General, while the Very Excellent Sr. President disposes
of my person in the manner which he may believe most fitting.
Please, Your Excellency, inform the Very Excellent Sr. President
of the above and accept the most sincere manifestations of my consid-
eration and appreciation. God and Liberty. Chihuahua, September 8,
1846.
[signed] Manuel Armijo.
The three letters which Armijo submitted in support of
the foregoing report are worthy of some consideration. The
first of these — Kearny's offer of terms to Armijo on August
21. Contrast this version of the attitude and comportment of the troops and civil-
ians with that given in the report of the citizens, above.
22. This report is probably filed in the Archive de la Secretaria de la Defense
Nacional at Mexico City. The historical materials of this depository are now being
catalogued by Luis Zevallos of the Archive General de la Naci6n, and a guide is being
published entitled Guia del Archive Histtirico Militar de Mexico. These records have not
as yet been made public.
23. See below.
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 79
1st — reveals the United States policy of attempting to gain
possession of New Mexico without bloodshed. But it also
conceals the true military objective: occupation by the
United States of the entire province, on both sides of the
Rio Grande.
The second of these letters — Armijo's reply to Kearny on
August 12th — is disappointing in that any hint of secret
negotiations for a surrender carried on by the American
agent James Wiley Magoffin is conspicuously absent. In his
reply Armijo categorically refuses to surrender any portion
of the territory and even threatens the Americans with
armed resistance. At the same time, however, he leaves the
door open for further negotiations with Kearny. This would
seem to indicate that if secret negotiations were under way in
Santa Fe, they had not reached a successful conclusion at this
date unless, of course, Kearny was not a party to the under-
standing.
As for the third letter — from Henry Connelly24 to Armijo
on August 19th — some explanation is necessary. It was
written on behalf of Kearny on the day after the American
occupation of Santa Fe, and its purpose was to induce Ar-
mijo, who was then in flight toward Chihuahua, to return
under a guarantee of amnesty. Armijo did not take advan-
tage of the offer. After reaching El Paso del Norte and
meeting the reinforcements arriving from Chihuahua, Ar-
mijo was placed under temporary arrest. He was allowed to
write and despatch the report from Chihuahua quoted above
and then to proceed to Mexico City to give a verbal account
of his conduct in New Mexico to the central government.
What happened in the capital has not been made public, but
Armijo was apparently exonerated, for he was back in New
Mexico as a private citizen after the war, and remained there
until his death on December 9, 1853.25
24. Connelly, who later became governor of the Territory of New Mexico, was at
this time an American merchant who had resided in the city of Chihuahua since 1828
and had come to Santa Fe at the outbreak of the war. When Kearny offered his terms
to Armijo, Connelly accompanied the official emissary, Capt. Philip St. George Cooke,
to the American commander with Armijo's reply. If Connelly carried a separate and
secret message from the governor, it has never come to light. For fuller biographical
information, see William E. Connelley (Ed.), Doniphan's Expedition and the Conquest
of New Mexico and California (Topeka, Kans., 1907), 276-282, note 65.
26. Ralph E. Twitchell, The Leading Facts of New Mexican History (Cedar Rapids,
80 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
No. 1
Col. Stephen W. Kearny to Governor Manuel Armijo, General Head-
quarters of the Army of the West, Encampment on the Arkansas,
Bent's Fort, August 1, 1846 26
Sir:
By the annexation of Texas to the United States, the Rio Grande
from its mouth to its source forms the present dividing line between
the United States and Mexico, and I come by order of my Government
to take possession of the Country, over a part of which you are now
presiding as Governor. I come as a friend, and with the disposition and
intention to consider all Mexicans and others as friends who will
remain quietly and peaceably at their homes and attend to their own
affairs. Such persons shall not be disturbed by any one under my com-
mand, either in their person, their property, or their religion. I pledge
myself to the fulfillment of this promise. I come to this part of the
United States with a strong military force, and a yet stronger one is
now following as a reinforcement to us. We have many more troops
than sufficient to put down any opposition that you can possibly bring
against us, and I therefore, for the sake of humanity, call upon you to
submit to fate and to meet me with the same feeling of peace and
friendship which I now entertain for and offer to you and to all those
over whom you are governor. If you do so, it will be greatly to your
own interest and to that of all your countrymen, and for which you
will receive their blessing and their prayers. Should you however
decide otherwise, determine upon resistance and oppose [array?]
the troops you can raise against us, I then say, the blood which may
follow, the suffering and the misery which may ensue, will rest on your
head, and instead of the blessing of your Countrymen, you will receive
their curses, for I shall consider all, whom you bring in arms against
us, as enemies and will treat them accordingly. I am sending Your Ex-
cellency this communication by Captain Cooke, of my own Regiment,
and I recommend to your goodness and attention both him and his
small party of 12 Dragoons.
With great respect, your obedient servant,
Stephen W. Kearny, Colonel of the 1st Dragoons.
Iowa, 1912), II, 208, note 145. On his way south from Chihuahua, on September 12,
1846, Armijo, travelling with a merchant train in which he had an investment, met the
English traveller Ruxton. The governor's reputation as a coward during the American
invasion had travelled, faster and farther than he moved himself. When confronted by
this charge from Ruxton, Armijo asserted that all of his army had deserted except a
small escort. George F. Ruxton, Adventures in Mexico and the Rocky Mountains (Lon-
don, 1849), 110.
26. As the English copy in the United States National Archives (Adjutant Gener-
al's Office Files, War Department, 163-K-1846, enclosure) and the Spanish copy sub-
mitted by Armijo are substantially the same, the wording of the former is used here
rather than a new translation of the latter.
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 81
No. 2
Governor Manuel Armijo to Stephen W. Kearny, Santa Fe,
August 12, 184627
Your Lordship's note of the current dated at the Arkansas Camp
has informed me that on orders from your Government and by virtue
of the annexation of the Department of Texas, the Rio Bravo del
Norte from its mouth to its source has been declared by your Govern-
ment to be the dividing line between that Republic and this; and that
as a result Your Lordship has orders to take possession of the major
part of the terrain which my Department occupies, pledging to me
that if these inhabitants remain quietly at their affairs, you will treat
them with respect in their property, persons, and religion, not molest-
ing them in any manner; and that otherwise you will treat them as
enemies and make me responsible for the blood which might be shed.
As Your Lordship's communication involves several parts, it will be
necessary for me to answer them according to their merits.
In regard to your Government's intimation and declaration of bound-
aries, I cannot agree [to this] under any condition as that line, which
has been recognized by both countries ever since the time of the Span-
ish Government, is at another very distinct place. Even though Texas
was a part of Mexico before its annexation, additional land cannot be
taken [as part of Texas] without the recognition by my Government of
its inclusion previously and not at the conclusion of the differences be-
tween the two Governments. As for the Rio del Norte being [the bound-
ary], as you maintain, such an acquisition, quite the contrary, should
never be considered legal even though it should be effected peacefully.
The people have risen en masse as an immoveable force to oppose the
suggestion which Your Lordship has made me to surrender the Depart-
ment. I cannot, I do not wish to, nor ought I, oppose their will; and,
honoring their expression and my duty as General, as Governor, and as
a Mexican citizen, I am placing myself at their head. I shall advance
as far as Las Vegas, where I shall establish my General Headquarters.
If you do not cross the Sapello River with your forces, we will negotiate
this matter from the two sides and enter into a reasonable transaction,
as you have offered. I fully desire, just as Your Lordship does, to save
bloodshed. In case by some events its effusion cannot be avoided, none
of the responsibility should be mine, for self-preservation is a natural
thing, and whatever finds itself clearly attacked and its repose dis-
turbed should accordingly resist. This is all the more necessary since
I have more than enough forces to repel your aggression. I am deter-
mined to open the door to a frank discussion of the present question,
and after the justice of my contention is established and the differ-
27. The version of this letter quoted by Lt. William H. Emory in his Notes of a
Military Reconnaissance (Washington, 1848), 25, is a liberal translation and is extremely
summarized. That quoted here is translated from a copy of the original, certified by
Armijo's secretary, Antonio Sena, at Chihuahua, September 8, 1846.
82 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
ences resolved in conformity with the rights of man and to the honor
of both nations, I shall consider Your Excellency's sentiments of peace
and friendship in the spirit in which you offer them. And by the same
token I offer my own in the same manner, as I wish to know your
views, but it will be as I have already said, without denying the rights
of my country. Captain Cooke will show Your Lordship the terms in
which I have considered your recommendations. God and Liberty. Santa
Fe, August 12, 1846.
M. A.
No. 3
Henry Connelly to General Manuel Armijo, Santa Fe,
August 18, 1846.28
My esteemed friend :
I was informed through Dona Gertrudes Barcelo29 of the situation
in which you found yourself, and, with the desire of learning some-
thing of the security you might expect in the present circumstances, I
at once saw Gen. Kearny. He has assured me that your person and
interests are as secure as if Gen. Armijo governed. He tells me that
you should Come with the troops and the close friends who accompany
you, with the Armament which they carry and the Artillery, if it is
possible to bring it; that at a short distance from the city you should
request a parley with Gen K: It will be granted. Then you will sur-
render the authority of Governor and Commandant with the forces
which accompany it. If Gen. Armijo wishes to be a citizen of the
United States and to reside in New Mexico, [he shall] swear to uphold
the laws and the constitution established by that Government. If he
does not wish to be a citizen of the said states, and if he interns himself
under the Mexican Govenment, he will be permitted to do so without
oath.
Friend, the above is the truth and you may believe it in faith,
without fear that any danger will result to your person or property.
I advise you, my dear friend, to return to Santa Fe without delay, fol-
lowing the steps already indicated, and we shall have the pleasure of
seeing our Friend again, safe from dangers and safe from the respon-
sibilities of Government. I have much to tell you that is too involved
and lengthy to write, and in truth I am very pleased to know that you
are well. Enjoy every pleasure until you should be pleased to present
yourself to Gen K. Do not fear, Gen. Armijo. For all of the above I
answer with my life, as the friend which I am.
Attentive [ly] I kiss your hand,
Enrrique Conely.
28. This letter is here translated from a Spanish copy of the original, certified by
Annijo's secretary. Antonio Sena, at Chihuahua, Sept. 8, 1846.
29. The notorious "La Tules," mistress and confidant of Gov. Armijo.
[For a recent study and revised interpretation of Dona Tules, see Fray Angelico
Chavez, "Dona Tules, Her Fame and Her Funeral," El Palacio, voL 67, no. 8 (August,
1950) Ed.]
Book Reviews
Ruxton of the Rockies: Collected by Clyde and Mae Reed
Porter. Edited by LeRoy R. Hafen. Norman : University
of Oklahoma Press, 1950. Pp. xxii, 325. $5.00.
George Frederick Augustus Ruxton — Ruxton of the
Rockies — has at long last been rescued from obscurity and
given the rightful place he fully deserves in the history of
the far American West. To Mr. and Mrs. Clyde Porter goes
great credit for this happy consummation. Their search for
material is a fascinating story.
In 1846-1848, this young Englishman entered Mexico at
Vera Cruz, went on to Mexico City, and then penetrated
directly into the frontiers of northern Mexico and the Rocky
Mountain west, which the United States at that moment was
acquiring from Mexico by right of conquest. Back in England
within a short time after his emergence from the wilderness,
he produced in record time two literary works of unusual
excellence, one of which, Life In The Far West, was destined
to be regarded as highly as the great volumes, Wah-To-Yah,
by Louis H. Garrard, and The Oregon Trail, by Francis
Parkman. All three of these historical classics were written
under somewhat similar circumstances and almost simul-
taneously. And in all three instances these talented young
men, their imaginations stimulated to the point of genius by
the frontier, brought forth productions that will continue to
be read breathlessly as long as men enjoy romance and
adventure.
In the case of Ruxton very little was known until recently,
since his career was cut short by his early death at St. Louis,
in 1848. Determined to fill in this unfortunate gap, Mr. and
Mrs. Clyde Porter set to work some years ago with little
success until 1947, when they began to strike "pay dirt." At
that time Mrs. Porter, while in England, was fortunate
to locate members of the Ruxton family who graciously gave
her a wealth of useable material — much of it autobiographi-
cal in nature — that gave a full account of the hectic life of
83
84 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
the young adventurer. With this material she returned to
America, where she and Mr. Porter and Dr. Leroy R. Hafen,
as editor, produced this most readable and illuminating
volume.
In so far as possible Ruxton is allowed to tell his intri-
guing story in full — chapter six through sixteen being lifted
bodily from his Adventures in Mexico and the Rocky Moun-
tains (London, 1847) — with the exception of the use of
selected extracts in chapters six and seven. An excellent
story has resulted and a real service has been rendered to the
history of the west.
"Aside from his diplomatic and commercial mission,
Ruxton's venture in Mexico and the Rocky Mountains was
largely motivated by his keen desire to visit these strange
remote lands, hunt in the wilderness of the American West,
and subsequently write about his experiences and observa-
tions." Whatever his status, the fact that he was unusually
well supplied with money and was able to influence officials
and win consideration beyond his personal needs, tends to
show that he was engaged in something more than merely a
trip of personal adventure.
Mr. and Mrs. Porter and Dr. Hafen have done their work
well, and Ruxton stands out vividly as the dynamic, adven-
turous, resourceful and talented young man that he was. In
retrospect, however, his observations of the character of the
Mexican men seem to be unduly severe.
This life story of one of the most magnetic and interesting
characters ever to flash across the Southwest and Rocky
Mountain- West deserves to take, and will take a prominent
place in the field of Americana. Defects are minor. A few
maps would have enhanced greatly the value of the volume,
and a more extensive use of annotations would have been a
luxury to the serious student of the American West. Dr.
Hafen explains in his splendid foreword, however, that the
book is planned for "a wide popular audience rather than
a limited scholarly one."
Mrs. Porter has written a captivating introduction, and
the poem, "Ruxton Creek," by Thomas Hornsby Ferril, will
fire the imagination and excite the anticipation of any lover
BOOK REVIEWS 85
of the great west, be he ever so satiated. The volume is
interestingly illustrated with the only known picture of Rux-
ton extant, with Ruxton's own sketches and with Alfred
Jacob Miller's famous paintings. The index is quite adequate,
and naturally it is a most handsome volume, produced as it
is by the University of Oklahoma Press.
R. H. OGLE
Phoenix Union High Schools
and Phoenix College
Florentine Codex. General History of the Things of New
Mexico by Fray Bernadino de Sahagun. Book 1 — The
Gods. Translated from the Aztec into English, with Notes
and Illustrations. Arthur J. 0. Anderson and Charles E.
Dibble. In 13 Parts. Part II. School of American Research
and the University of Utah. Monographs of the School of
American Research, No. 14, Part II. Santa Fe, 1950.
The student of ancient Mexico in contrast to the student,
say, of the Near East, has certain disadvantages, but one
most important advantage ; he has not the wealth of archival
material in historical sculpture and writing left by the
ancient civilizations of the latter region, but, to offset that
lack, he has eyewitness accounts of how civilization func-
tioned in Mexico when the white man arrived. Of those eye-
witnesses Fray Bernadino de Sahagun, who as a young man
reached Mexico in 1529 and remained there until his death
in 1590, was far and away the best.
Father Sahagun was a born student of man, and Evelyn's
description of Samuel Pepys — "A very worthy, industrious,
and curious person" — might well be applied to him. His ap-
proach was in many respects that of the twentieth century :
he assembled Indians and discussed ethnology with them,
getting the material straight from their lips. Indeed, much
of Sahagun's Historia was actually written in Nahua by his
informants, although revised and annotated by him. A para-
phrase in Spanish of the Nahua original was made by
Sahagun, and it is that version which has been published on
more than one occasion (best edition : Robredo, Mexico City,
86 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
1938) . The Spanish paraphrase, however, lacks much of the
color of the original; the rich metaphors and poetry of the
Nahua setting and not a little factual material are absent.
One might say that the Spanish version bears the same rela-
tionship to the Nahua as a children's edition of Gulliver's
Travels does to Swift's original satire.
Parts of the Nahua original have been translated, but
it is not until now that a full translation into a modern lan-
guage has been undertaken. This is an extremely arduous
labor precisely because of the rich veins of poetry and meta-
phor in the original and the abundance of esoteric material
on Mexican religion. All historians and ethnologists are
therefore deeply indebted to Messrs. Anderson and Dibble
for making available these most important source materials.
The reviewer, having no knowledge of the Nahua language,
cannot pass judgment on the merits of the translation, but
he is confident that the work is in excellent hands, for the
authors are outstanding scholars of Nahua. The twelve books
of the Historia will be published one by one and not neces-
sarily in their original order ; a final part will contain table
of contents, index, introduction, etc.
This is a "must" for every library and individual inter-
ested in Latin America.
J.ERIC S. THOMPSON
Carnegie Institution of Washington,
Jesuit Beginnings in New Mexico 1867-1882. M. Lilliana
Owens. El Paso, Texas: Revista Catolica Press, 1950.
Pp. 176.
This study is divided into three parts with a foreword by
Edwin V. Byrne, Archbishop of Santa Fe, and an introduc-
tion by Carlos Castaneda, The University of Texas. Part
One is Sister Lilliana's narrative of Jesuit work in New
Mexico and Colorado, beginning with Bishop Lamy's trip to
Europe and the assignment there of Jesuit workers for New
Mexico.
The Second Part is the Account of the Journey of Rev-
erend Donato M. Gasparri, S.J., to New Mexico in 1867.
BOOK REVIEWS 87
This "account was dictated by Father Donate M. Gasparri,
S. J., in Spanish to Father Vito M. Tromby, S.J. It was trans-
lated into Italian for the records of the Napolitan Province
and appeared in the Lettere Edificanti" * * * "delta Provincia
Napoletana delta Compagnia di Gesu, Serie V, 1886-1887,
Naples, 1886, pp. 170-176." The publication here presented
was translated from the Italian by Sister Lilliana and asso-
ciates. An earlier translation by J. Manuel Espinosa has been
published in Mid- America, vol. 20, new series vol. 9 (Janu-
ary, 1938).
The Third Part is the Diary of the Mission of New Mex-
ico, May 27, 1867-October 18, 1874. It narrates the story of
the trip from New York to Santa Fe, between May and
August of 1867, and then becomes a weekly summary of
church work in the Albuquerque area. The original was writ-
ten in Spanish, but is presented in translation. From internal
evidence, Sister Lilliana credits the authorship to Reverend
Livio Vigilante, S.J., the first superior of the Jesuit New
Mexico mission band.
The publication is completed with a bibliography, index,
and pictures of leading persons in the story and of places.
The Account, the Diary, and Sister Lilliana' s narrative
relate a familiar story of perils experienced by travelers
along the Santa Fe trail. These pioneer Jesuits faced an In-
dian attack, inclement weather, and the harshness of travel
in those days with unflinching courage. Their journey was
saddened by the untimely death of Sister Alphonsa Thomp-
son, not yet twenty years of age. The Account also contains
the European side of the story.
The Diary is the more important of the two documents.
Although on the surface it seems to be a weekly summary of
routine work, for one acquainted with the Albuquerque en-
vironment much can be read between the lines. Behind the
terse statements of the author, the reader catches glimpses
of life in the Middle Rio Grande valley three-quarters of a
century ago which is in sharp contrast with the present-day
condition.
In passing, it might be noted that there are some imper-
fections in the editorial work. An occasional item in the foot-
88 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
note does not appear in the bibliography. The footnote style
is not uniform: a work is sometimes cited by author and
later by title. Nor is the title always exactly the same in foot-
note and bibliography. The title of Twitchell's standard his-
tory of New Mexico is given incorrectly, a not uncommon
error.
Professor Castaneda's statement (page 13) on the num-
ber of settlers killed in New Mexico at the time of the Pueblo
rebellion of 1680 is too high.
The excessively long two-and-a-half page paragraph be-
ginning on page 24 should have been avoided from the stand-
point of style. Otherwise, Sister Lilliana writes with a clear
pen and with a feeling for the subject that adds much to what
could have been a rather dry enumeration of factual infor-
mation. A sympathetic reader can glean much more from
the story than appears on the surface.
The title page is headed: JESUIT STUDIES — SOUTHWEST,
Number One. It is to be hoped that Number Two will not lag
far behind; this one is an excellent contribution to the his-
torical literature of the region. F. D. R.
T\[ew ^Mexico
Historical T^eview
Palace of the Governors, Santa Fe
April, 1951
Editors
FRANK D. REEVE PAUL A. F. WALTER
Associates
PERCY M. BALDWIN GEORGE P. HAMMOND
FRANCE V. SCHOLES THEODOSIUS MEYER, O.F.M.
ARTHUR J. 0. ANDERSON
VOL. XXVI APRIL, 1951 No. 2
CONTENTS
Page
Short-Line Staging in New Mexico
William Swilling Wallace 89
The Navaho during the Spanish Regime in New Mexico
Donald E. Worcester 101
A Coronado Episode
J. Wesley Huff 119
Old Settlers in Otero County
Dan McAllister 128
Checklist of New Mexico Publications (continued)
Wilma Loy Shelton 137
Notes and Documents 148
Book Reviews . 165
THB NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW is published jointly by the Historical Society
of New Mexico and the University of New Mexico. Subscription to the quarterly is
$3.00 a year in advance; single numbers, except those which have become scarce, are
$1.00 each.
Business communications should be addressed to Mr. P. A. F. Walter, State
Museum, Santa Fe, N. M. ; manuscripts and editorial correspondence should be
addressed to Prof. Frank D. Reeve, University of New Mexico, Albuquerque, N. M.
Entered as second-class matter at Stnta Fe, New Mexico
UNIVERSITY PRESS, ALBUQUERQUE, N. M.
NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL
REVIEW
VOL. XXVI APRIL, 1951 No. 2
SHORT-LINE STAGING IN NEW MEXICO
By WILLIAM SWILLING WALLACE *
FEW agents of civilization in the history of the West are
mentioned more, taken for granted, then later ignored
than the stage lines. The literature of western staging is al-
most entirely limited to the large companies that operated
over great distances. Little has been recorded of the small
"feeder" lines that continued to operate even into the second
decade of the twentieth century and, in their own way, per-
formed a service no less important than the large lines.1 This
paper deals with only one such small line : the Lake Valley,
Hillsboro, and Kingston, New Mexico, Stage Line. Fortu-
nately, it has been possible to supplement the limited available
published sources with the reminiscences of Mr. William J.
Reay, who was the chief driver for that company from 1892
till 1904.2
* Mr. Wallace is a High School teacher, Douglas Arizona.
1. The bibliographies appended to Le Roy Hafen's, The Overland Mail, 1849-1869
(Cleveland, 1926) ; and the exhaustive study of Roscoe Platt and Margaret 6. Conk-
ling, The Butterfield Overland Mail, 1857-1869 (Glendale, 1947), 8 vols., are rich sources
on the literature of the stage line. Of little use is Agnes W. Springer's, The Cheyenne
and Black Hills Stage and Express Routes (Glendale, 1949). Disappointingly scant
in reference to western staging but thorough on transportation in the East is Sey-
mour Dunbar, A History of Travel in America (Indianapolis, 1915), 4 vols. The bulk
of western literature gives only a fleeting mention of the stage line, leaving the reader
to his imagination concerning the actual mechanics of operation, organization, etc.
John P. Clum, for instance, in "Santa Fe in the 70's," New Mexico Historical Review,
II (October, 1927), 381, casually mentions taking a six-horse Concord stagecoach out
of Trinidad, Colorado, to Santa Fe in the late fall; Theron M. Trumbo, "The Little
Bonanza," New Mexico Magazine, 28 (April, 1950), 28, briefly mentions a "hack" line
operating between Las Cruces and the Organ mountains during the mining era ; ad
infin.
2. William John Reay was born March 31, 1876, in Hansingham, Cumberland,
England, and immigrated to the United States in 1883 with his mother and two sisters
89
'
ft'/O HAHLOtA SPR1N»» «TATIOM
DISCONTINUED
1861 1
LINE FROM RIHCOH
1878
MAP Of THE
Lake Volley, Hillsboro and Kingston
Stage Line
1904
TO ACCOMPANY. 'SHORT LINE STAGING IN NEW MEXICO"
WALLACE. AUTHOR 00 AWN BV XL DAWSON H50
SHORT-LINE STAGING IN NEW MEXICO 91
The Santa Fe railway station at Lake Valley was the
railhead servicing an area that extended to the north and
northwest for more than fifty miles. It was the terminal of a
thirteen and one-third miles spur track from the Rincon
branch of the Santa Fe joining the branch line at Nutt, New
Mexico, and was constructed in 1884.3 On March 10, 1881,
the two divisions of the Southern Pacific railroad were joined
at Deming, New Mexico, which formed the first trans-
continental railroad through New Mexico and Arizona.4
Within this area the mountain ranges of Cook, Pinos Altos,
Mimbres, Mogollon, Burro, and Black held forth their prom-
ise of riches in gold and silver. For a while the major trans-
portation service of this vast area had been the Butterfield
Overland Mail Company, but it brought its services to an
end in 1861 when the Civil War created a tenuous situation
with which it did not care to contend.5 Following the Civil
to join the rest of the family, four brothers and his father, at Georgetown, Colorado.
After staying in Georgetown for two years the family then moved to Kingston, New
Mexico Territory, a major boomtown of the period. Between 1885 and 1904 he made
his home first in Kingston and then in Hillsboro where during this twenty-one year
period he spent twelve years as driver for the Line. In 1904 he moved to Douglas, Ari-
zona, where he first went into the livery business and then branched out into other ac-
tivities. The information on the Line was obtained from interviews with Mr. Reay by
the writer during the winter of 1949-50. The writer is indebted to him for his co-
operation and the plates accompanying this paper. Unless credited to other sources,
factual information in the following pages is taken from typescript copies of inter-
views with Mr. Reay.
3. On September 25, 1882, the Lake Valley Railroad Company was granted papers
of incorporation at Santa Fe which called for an initial capitalization of $600,000 ;
but plans for the company never materialized, probably because the superior capital
and facilities of the Santa Fe railroad which were by that time firmly entrenched in
the region. See George B. Anderson, ed., History of New Mexico: Its Resources and
People, Illustrated (New York, 1907), I, 899-900.
4. Ibid. The first concrete step taken toward establishment of railway service in
in this area was in 1872. On May 13 of that year Gen. George M. Dodge, engineer of the
Texas and Pacific railroad, wrote George Wolcott, division engineer for the same com-
pany : " . . . Organize parties for the purpose of developing the country from the Rio
Grande to the Gila river near the Pimas' village just below the mouth of the San Pedro
and north of the southern boundary of the United States, and south of the Gila river.
. . . Leave the Rio Grande north of El Paso near Messilla, going directly to the valley
of the Rio Mimbres — then passing the Peloncello [ate]. . . ." The document was dated
at Council Bluffs, Iowa. (Quoted from photostatic copy in the possession of Mrs.
Margaret Calkins, Tucson, Arizona.)
5. The last Overland scheduled trip through southern New Mexico left Tucson
on March 6, 1861, and arrived at El Paso on March 9th. See Conkling, op. cit., II, 325.
The first stage line into New Mexico probably started operations in 1849 on a monthly
schedule between Santa Fe and Missouri ; eventually being expanded to a daily service.
Fares were about $250 one-way with a baggage limit of forty pounds and $1 per
pound for excess. Thirteen days and six hours was the scheduled time between Santa
92 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
War a multitude of short-lived stage lines served many
areas of the West until the appearance of the railroad.6 The
railroad, however, did not eliminate the need for the horse
and mule drawn conveyance because the population of this
area was centered in the rugged mountain recesses where it
had gone in search of the elusive gold and silver — here the
railroads could not follow.7 Between the railheads and the
population they sought to serve, the stage and freight wagons
were needed to move men and supplies to and from the thea-
ters of activity. Such was the function of the Lake Valley,
Hillsboro and Kingston Stage Line.8 From its beginning it
was a public carrier limited to the transport of U. S. Mail and
passengers.
Ownership of the Line can be pieced together only from
the recollections of early residents of Hillsboro because the
original mail contracts that would have contained this in-
formation have been destroyed.9
When the Reay family moved to Kingston in 1885, L. W.
Orchard was operating the Line, and the "Mountain Pride,"
as the stagecoach was called, was in service. This was about
seven years after the town of Hillsboro could have needed
stage service and one year after the extension of the railroad
to nearby Lake Valley. So it may be assumed that the Line
probably was founded between 1878 and 1882. Orchard sold
the Line to Fred W. Mister in 1902 after being underbid for
Fe and Kansas City. See Ralph E. Twitchell, The Leading Facts of New Mexican His-
tory (Cedar Rapids, 1917), II, 139-142. Additional data on the earliest stage lines in
New Mexico is found in Hafen, op. cit., 70-75, 97, 236.
6. A stage line operated over part of the route of the L. V., H. and E., in the
late 1850's and early 60's between Cook's Springs and Fort Thorn on the Rio Grande.
See map accompanying Randolph B. Marcy, The Prairie Traveler (London, 1863),
Richard Burton, ed.
7. Mining in the region centered in the principal mineral belt running along
the eastern slope of the continental divide, starting at Cook's Peak, through Lake
Valley, Hillsboro, Kingston, Hermosa, Chloride, and Grafton to the south side of the
San Augustine Plain. The core of the area, geologically, was four to eight miles wide
and twenty miles long and divided into six mining districts : Black Range, Apache,
Palomas, Limestone, Cuchillo Negro, and Iron Reef. Cf.. Twitchell, op. eit.. IV, 267.
8. Hereinafter referred to as the Line.
9. Post office Department files concerning star route and other types of contracts
covering private carriers of mail from 1870 through 1914 have been destroyed by au-
thority of Congress. C. C. Garner (Chief Inspector, Post Office Department) to W. S.
Wallace, May 4, 1950. and Forrest R. Holdcamper (Industrial Records Branch, Na-
tional Archives) to idem, May 9, 1950.
SHORT-LINE STAGING IN NEW MEXICO 93
the mail contract. After the sale of his business Orchard
moved to Belen, New Mexico, where he had charge of trans-
portation during the construction of the "Belen Cut-Off."
Sometime later he moved to Colorado. Neither Reay nor any
of the older residents of Hillsboro know anymore about
Orchard.
More is known of Fred W. Mister, who was born in
Broadalbin, New York, November 25, 1859, and died in 1939.
In 1883 he became a partner of W. C. Leonard in a mercan-
tile business at Kingston where he also had some mining
interests. He moved to Hillsboro and opened a meat market
in 1900, and in 1902 bought the Line from Orchard. Mister
operated the passenger service of the Line until the decline
of mining operations and the onset of World War I after
which he suspended passenger service and limited his busi-
ness to hauling mail over the route.10 By this time, however,
the Line as a stagecoach operation had ceased to operate.
Having no competition the Line never advertised and the
contemporary newspapers of the area are devoid of refer-
ence to it. Accepted as a permanent fixture to the area people
were little concerned about its operation. Ralph E. Twitchell
passed over the Line with only a brief comment : "Hillsboro
is reached by a stage line from Lake Valley, the terminus of a
branch line of the A. T. & S. F. Railway."11
With headquarters and a principal terminus located at
Lake Valley the route extended northward over the rolling
sand swept desert valley. At a point six miles north of Lake
Valley a rise known formerly as "White Hill" was crossed
and then the route descended into the Harlosa Springs Sta-
tion where the Line maintained a corral for team changes
on the north-bound trips. From this point the route con-
tinued northward for twelve miles to Hillsboro, the county
seat of Sierra county. Traversing a winding, climbing, road
in a westerly direction out of Hillsboro to Kingston into the
Mimbres Mountains the stage reached the outgoing terminus
10. Twitchell, op. eit., IV, 276, gives a brief biographical sketch of Mister. In-
formation concerning his later years was obtained from George Meyers, Executor of
the Mister Estate.
11. Ibid., 263, note 600.
94 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
of the route. At Lake Valley the passenger transfer point
was the railway depot; in Hillsboro, the Hotel Union; and
the Hotel Mountain Pride in Kingston. The name of the
Kingston hostelry was adopted by the Line for its nine pas-
senger Concord stagecoach. Lettered across the top panel on
either side of the coach in gold filligree was "Mountain
Pride."12
The coach was a "Southern" style thoroughbrace sus-
pended vehicle built in the Concord fashion but probably
manufactured by the Eaton, Gilbert and Company of Troy,
New York.13 It was of oak construction and painted dark red
on the body, yellow on the carriage and black-striped at the
joints, corners, etc. Its interior was upholstered in russet
leather and at the top of each window heavy canvas duck
side curtains were attached. The stitched leather thorough-
braces were three and a half inches wide and extended from
standards on either end of the front axle to standards on
either end of the rear axle. The body of the coach, attached
to the thoroughbraces, had a backward and forward move-
ment described by Mark Twain as "swinging and swaying"
and to the coach as a whole as a "cradle on wheels."14
Fastened to the forward pillars on each side of the coach
were box-like lanterns, occasionally used as running lights
in the dark and poor weather. Two, three passenger seats
were inside and another was located on top just behind the
driver's box. At the rear of the body was a triangular "boot"
for luggage and another at the front under the driver's box.
The Line also used a six passenger jerkey for charter serv-
ice, a mud-wagon, and it had a miscellaneous assortment of
12. The coach may be the one formerly used on an earlier line that operated
between Cook's Springs and Fort Thorn (Supra, note 6). Wayne L. Mauzey, "West-
ern Stage Coach Days," El Palacio, XXXIX (August 14, 21, 28, 1935), 34, speaks of *
coach given to the Historical Society of New Mexico by Mrs. Arthur Seligman in 1935,
as having "operated last between Lake Valley and Hillsboro, New Mexico." This is
possibly the same coach referred to above. The coach's name is discernible on all
of the accompanying plates.
13. The "Mountain Pride" had a seat located on top behind the driver's box, a
construction detail incorporated only in the Troy coaches. Cf., Conkling, op. cit., I, 131-
133.
14. Mark Twain (Samuel Clemens), Roughing It (New York, 1871), I, 7.
Sheba Hurst, the "wit of Kingston," a humorous character in Roughing It, ii
buried in an unmarked grave at Kingston.
SHORT-LINE STAGING IN NEW MEXICO 95
wagons for hauling feed and equipment from its principal
supply depot at Lake Valley to the stations along the route.
The Line was no exception among stage companies in
the pride and care with which it cared for its horses.15
Eighteen to twenty spirited animals were kept in the Line's
corral at Lake Valley and whenever reports were received
of a particularly outstanding "outlaw" or wild horse within
fifty miles of the area immediately it was captured, if possi-
ble, and added to the Line's herd. No one team (of four) was
worked more often than every third day. Light, nervous
horses were prized as leaders (the forward pair in a team
arrangement of four or more) and heavy, powerful horses
were placed at the wheeler position (the pair hitched nearest
to the body of a horse drawn conveyance). This matching
of mood and power seems to have reached perfection in the
eyes of the company with the team used at one time on the
coach in the Zavia Whitham painting.16 In this painting the
left leader is "Prince," the right leader "Andy," left wheeler
"Dude," and the right wheeler "Reilly." These four horses
were considered the best combination the Line ever had,
both from the standpoint of efficiency and as specimens of
fine horseflesh. From the day Mr. Reay first entered the em-
ploy of the Line until his last run all teams were judged on
the basis of comparison to Prince, Dude, Andy and Reilly.
The "Mountain Pride" maintained a schedule that was
timed to the arrival of the noonday Santa Fe train at Lake
Valley. The schedule was as follows :
Read Down Station Miles Read Up
12:00 Noon Lv. Lake Valley 0 Ar. 10:00 AM
3:00 PM Ar. Hillsboro 18 Lv. 7:00 AM
3:10 PM Lv. " Ar. 8:30 PM
4:40 PM Ar. Kingston 9 Lv. 6:30 PM
liT See~J. C. Birge, Awakening of the Desert (Boston, 1912), 410.
16. This oil (26" x 37"), now hanging in Mr. Reay's office at Douglas, was
painted sometime in the mid-90's by Zavia Whitham, former school teacher and
painter in various parts of Colorado and New Mexico. It shows the "Mountain Pride"
rounding a corner with L. O. Orchard in the box. On Orchard's left is a "Dr. Ried" of
Detroit (a frequent visitor in Hillsboro at that time). On the top seat behind Orchard
sits a "Mr. Van Heusen." The man next to Van Heusen is unknown. The picture was
painted at a spot where the route cut across a pasture of the Sierra Land and Cattle
Company, about six miles south of Hillsboro. Orchard gave the painting to Mr. Reay
in 1902 when he sold the Line.
96 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
As is evident, the Line scheduled its movements at ten miles
per hour, a fast schedule when compared to the Overland
Mail Company's schedule of four and four-tenths miles per
hour over comparable terrain in the Fourth Division of its
route between Tucson and Franklin (El Paso).17 On the re-
turn trip the stage remained in Hillsboro overnight. There
were always a few passengers on each run but when the
occasion demanded the coach could be loaded with many more
than the normal capacity of nine. The record number for it,
and probably all other Concords that ever rolled, was twenty-
three. This was on the evening of the last day of the "Lee and
Gilliland" trial at Hillsboro, when Mr. Reay drove twenty-
three participants in the trial back to Lake Valley;18 one of
them the famed Lincoln county sheriff, Pat Garrett.
No financial records are to be found of the Line's busi-
ness but expenses must have been great. During the peak of
operations seven to eight men were regularly employed in
addition to part-time labor gangs used to augment the county
road crews in filling the ruts and removing rocks from the
right-of-way. A few of these employees' names are remem-
bered : Frank Richardson, a stock tender at Lake Valley ; Jim
Rafter, bookkeeper at the Lake Valley office; and a stock
tender at Hillsboro named Neal Sullivan. Stock tenders were
also kept at Kingston and Harlosa Springs but their names
have been forgotten. In addition to labor costs there was a
large monthly bill for feed which was shipped into Lake Val-
ley by rail in boxcar loads.19 Harness was another item that
17. Postmaster-general's Report, 1858, Senate Executive Documents, 85 Cong., 2
sess.t 739-741. The Barlow and Sanderson Stage Line operating in western Colorado
in the 1880's maintained a ten and one-half miles per hour schedule on its Marshall
Pass Division, a distance of seventy-five miles. (David Lavender, The Big Divide, New
York, 1949, p. 145.)
18. The trial of Oliver Lee and James F. Gilliland for the murder of a prominent
Las Graces attorney, CoL Albert J. Fountain, and his son, in March, 1896, was a sen-
sation in its day. The bodies of Fountain and his son were never found and Lee and
Gilliland were acquitted. Pat Garrett was the arresting officer in the case. A good
summary of the affair is in Anderson, op. cit., I, 350-351.
19. It is hard to comprehend the amount of feed required for draft animals in
the past century. F. A. Root and Connelley, Overland Stage to California, (Topeka,
1901), 487, refers to a general manager of the Overland Mail Company at St. Louis
who, in one day, chartered seven river steamboats to load corn for the herds of the
Overland. The L. V., H. and K., used native "gramma" hay and oats for its basic
feed rations.
SHORT-LINE STAGING IN NEW MEXICO 97
required heavy initial outlays of capital. One interesting cost
was for men's old shoes. These were purchased by the sack
and the soles used to reline the brake-blocks of the stage-
coach. This relining operation was performed daily in Lake
Valley. It was extremely necessary because of the constant
braking of the wheels on the return trip from Kingston. To
meet current expenses of the Line during the late 80's and
90's and make a modest profit for the owner there had to be
at least a gross income of about fifteen thousand dollars per
year.
Passengers were permitted fifty pounds of baggage free
but all exceeding that was charged at the rate, generally, of
ten cents per pound. The schedule of fares was :
One-way Round-trip
Lake Valley to Hillsboro $2.00 $3.50
Hillsboro to Kingston 1.50 2.50
Lake Valley to Kingston 3.25 5.50
Passenger tariffs were kept at about nine cents per mile be-
tween Lake Valley and Hillsboro while it was increased to
sixteen and two-thirds for the more difficult run from Hills-
boro to Kingston.
There is little doubt that the communities served by the
Line were economically able to afford a service of such cost.20
In the time of Victorio and the Apache sub-chiefs Loco and
Nana, the area had been subject to the control of the Apache.
However, by the early 80's rich strikes had been made by
prospectors and the hordes poured in. Ore valued as high as
a thousand dollars per ton was exposed in famous mines, one,
the "Bridal Chamber" near Lake Valley. The ranchers had
also moved into the valley and combined with the miners gave
Lake Valley a population of about a thousand. Kingston
dated its beginning back to August, 1882, when Jack Shed-
den, a miner from Colorado, discovered the "Solitaire" mine
there. In less than a year Kingston's population reached
eighteen hundred and by the late 80's had approached ap-
20. A short summary of these communities' histories and of Sierra county are
covered in Twitchell, op. cit., IV, 268, 269, note 603, note Q04, passim ; Anderson, op.
cit., II, 757-767.
98 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
proximately twenty-five hundred. Hillsboro, the first county
seat of Sierra county, was the center of extensive gold opera-
tions instead of silver, as was the case of Lake Valley and
Kingston. Founded in 1877, Hillsboro was an offshoot of
Georgetown, in Grant county. Georgetown prospectors made
the first gold strikes in the Hillsboro area in May, 1877. From
that time on the town continued to grow and prosper. A
brick courthouse (now in ruins) was constructed, schools
were maintained and numerous hotels, restaurants, and
stores opened. The population climbed to an estimated three
thousand at its peak period. By the beginning of the twen-
tieth century, however, Hillsboro had begun to decline, to
such an extent that the county seat was moved to the rapidly
expanding cattle and tourist center, Hot Springs, in the
northeastern part of the county. The Apache had ceased to
make trouble in the vicinity of the Line's operations previous
to 1890. The drivers of the line had stopped carrying arms
by the time Mr. Reay became a driver in 1892.
The harness arrangement used in western staging was
not the same as in ordinary draft work. In place of numerous
attachments ordinarily used the stage harness was relatively
simple. The belly band, back band, hames, and reins com-
prised the harness.21 Such commonplace hardware as hooks
and snaps were unknown on the stage harness. The only
hook on a Concord stagecoach was the "goose-neck" on the
end of the tongue. All connections were made with rings
through which "T" links were inserted, much in the man-
ner of ordinary cuff-links. In preparation for a departure
the bridles and harness were placed on the horses and they
were led to their positions at the front of the stagecoach.
All tugs and connections were completed by the stock tender
with the exception of the tug22 joining the harness of the
left wheeler to the carriage. The driver climbed to the box
with the reins in hand, and only after making certain all
21. Harness detail is plainly visible in all of the plates. The small rings on the
neck and head of the leaders in Plate II are decorations used on special occasions.
These rings were made of gaily colored celluloid and attached to most of the harness.
22. The tug is the trace of a harness which may be made of rope, leather, or
chain and used in pulling anything along ; in the case of staging — the coach itself.
SHORT-LINE STAGING IN NEW MEXICO 99
was in readiness, would he signal to the stock tender to hook
the left wheeler tug. This was a necessary precaution be-
cause, as Mr. Reay put it, "Once the left tug is secured, get
out of the way ! Without a word from the driver the team was
off in a full gallop." As the bell was to the fire horse so the
last hitching operation seems to have been to the stagecoach
team.
Getting the stagecoach underway required a driver with
"good hands" and a good team. If the leaders were slow in
starting the wheelers would force the tongue forward and
thus risk cutting the leaders on their harness while a team
of wheelers slow in starting after fast leaders would have
the forepart of the carriage and body rammed into their
bodies causing serious injury. Therefore, the driver had to
have the ability to start the leaders just a fraction of a sec-
ond ahead of the wheelers. This was no easy accomplishment
and it called for much practice and mastery of the art of
driving.23 The reins were held in the left hand with the rein
to the left leader between the thumb and index finger, the
left wheeler rein between the index and middle finger, the
right leader between the middle and fore finger, the right
wheeler rein between the fore and little finger. In this man-
ner the driver had instant control of any one or combination
of horses while the right hand was free to control the slack
of the reins or use the long whip carried in a socket at the
driver's right.24 Knowing how to turn the team was as im-
portant as getting it underway. If a leader turned faster than
the wheeler behind it, the wheeler would trip and become
seriously injured as the coach tongue cut across its front
legs ; this was a common accident when inexperienced driv-
ers were in the box.
Besides "good hands" and a well-matched team the
method of loading the stagecoach was also of great impor-
tance. The seat favored by passengers was the inside rear
seat and it was for this seat the passengers always vied. How-
23. For a discussion of the art of driving see: Maj. Gen. Geoffrey White "Driv-
ing," Encyclopaedia Britannica (Chicago, 1936), VII, 665-667.
24. See pictures for a stagecoach just getting underway and reins detail.
•6
<?
100 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
ever, in less than full loads concentrated weight at the rear
of the stagecoach caused the front of the body to spring up,
thus endangering the stability of the coach and making it
more difficult for the horses to pull. Likewise, concentrated
weight at the front had a similar effect on the rear of the
coach. The driver would usually balance the luggage between
the fore and aft "boots," however, before making the rear
seat passengers change to the front, if it were at all possible.
Upsetting was always a potential danger and was recognized
even by the coach manufacturers. The coach makers (of the
Concord type) assembled the front wheels and axle in such
a manner that only a loose fitting kingpin held the body to
the front wheels and axle, in this way an overturned coach
was instantly disengaged from the team because as soon as
the upset occurred the kingpin fell out of its connection and
freed the front wheels and the team thus preventing a
frightened team from pulling the upset body along the road.
Today, New Mexico State Routes 27 and 180 follow the
route of the L. V., H. and K., between Lake Valley and Kings-
ton. In Sierra county the decline of the mines and new em-
phasis on ranching have brought about the decay and aban-
donment of most of the three communities formerly served
by the Line. Though only a small enterprise compared to the
Holliday and Overland companies it made its contribution
to the development of western America.
THE NAVAHO DURING THE SPANISH REGIME
IN NEW MEXICO
By DONALD E. WORCESTER *
THE history of the Navaho is in many ways unique among
the Indians of North America. Unlike the majority of the
other tribes of the present United States, the Navaho were
able to adapt European material culture traits which were to
aid them remarkably after their confinement to a reserva-
tion. They differed from others also in that their reservation
coincided with their accustomed homeland, a factor of con-
siderable importance in their growth from seven or eight
thousand in the 1860's to upwards of 50,000 at the present
time. No other tribe of American Indians has had similar
success since commencing reservation life. The reasons for
the immense growth of the Navaho are to be found in their
relations with Spanish and Pueblo settlements in the 17th
and 18th centuries, and in their good fortune in being al-
lowed to remain upon their ancient tribal lands. Other tribes
had to make involuntary and sometimes difficult adjustments
to new environments and unaccustomed ways of life, as was
the case of the Plains Indians after the buffalo had vanished.
While other tribes were waging a losing struggle to sur-
mount these obstacles, the Navaho immediately began an un-
precedented growth.
The tremendous increase of the Navaho in recent times
has seemed the more unusual because of a widespread
opinion that the tribe was of late origin and exceedingly
small at the time of the conquest of New Mexico. Spanish
documents of the 17th century make it patent that this belief
is erroneous. Far from being a small, weak tribe largely un-
known to the Spaniards, the Navaho were the most trouble-
some of all the Indians encountered by the newcomers in the
Southwest until the advent of the Comanche soon after 1700.
One reason for this confusion regarding the Navaho in
the early years of New Mexico's history is to be found in
* Donald E. Worcester is Professor of History, University of Florida.
101
102 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Spanish terminology used for designating the wild and war-
like tribes. At the time of the conquest the word "apache,"
from the Zuni apachu — enemy — their appellation for the
Navaho, was used by the Spaniards to denote any hostile In-
dians. Onate even employed it in reference to the people of
the pueblo of Acoma. Soon it became known to the Spaniards
that most of the enemy tribes surrounding New Mexico spoke
a common language, and the name thereafter was applied
only to the Southern Athabascans. Gradually other designa-
tions were given to the various Athabascan tribes of different
regions, and the Navaho became known as the Apaches del
Navajo. Throughout the 17th century and frequently in later
years, however, many Spanish documents referred to them
simply as Apache, thus giving an impression at first glance
that the Navaho did not figure to any significant degree in
the events of that remote era. That this impression is entirely
false will be pointed out in the following pages.
Recent archaeological investigations have brought to
light much valuable information regarding the Navaho an-
cestral groups, and the available evidence points to the ar-
rival of these people in the Southwest around the 10th or llth
century by a route from the north by way of the Great Basin
rather than the Plains. It is to be hoped that future investi-
gations will define more exactly the wanderings and culture
of the founders of the tribe.1
1. There is an increasing literature on the early Navaho. A few will be cited as
examples : Charles Avery Amsden, "Navaho origins," NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW,
VII ; Harold S. Colton, "Did the so-called Cliff Dwellers of central Arizona also build
hogans," American Anthropologist, XXII ; Malcolm F. Farmer, "Navaho archaeology
of Upper Blanco and Largo Canyons, northern New Mexico," American Antiquity,
VIII ; Edward Twitchell Hall, Jr., "Recent clues to Athapascan prehistory in the
Southwest," American Anthropologist, XLIV ; J. P. Harrington, "Southern peripheral
Athapaskawan origins, divisions, and migrations," Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collec-
tions, C ; Edgar Lee Hewett, "Origins of the name Navaho," American Anthropologist,
VIII ; Frank C. Hibben, "Excavations of the Riana Ruin and Chama valley survey,"
Bulletin of the University of New Mexico Anthropological Series, II ; Hibben, "The
Gallina phase," American Antiquity, IV ; Ales Hrdlicka, "Physical and physiological
observations on the Navaho," American Anthropologist, II ; Wesley R. Hurt, Jr.,
"Eighteenth century Navaho hogans from Canyon de Chelly National Monument,"
American Antiquity, VIII ; Betty H. and Harold A. Huscher, "Athapaskan migrations
via the Intermontane region," American Antiquity, VIII ; Dorothy Louise Keur, "Big
Bead Mesa, an archaeological study of Navaho acculturation, 1745-1812," Society for
American Archaeology, Memoirs, No. 1, and "New light on Navaho origins," New
York Academy of Sciences, Transactions, Sec. 2, II ; Roy L. Malcolm, "Archaeological
NAVAHO DURING THE SPANISH REGIME 103
The Navaho evidently have mixed very considerably with
their neighbors, and in physique are more closely related to
the ancient and modern Pueblo peoples than to the Apache.
In the historical period they have increased their numbers
and modified their material culture by wholesale adoptions
into the tribe of refugees from various pueblos. Their atti-
tude toward these peoples as well as toward captives taken
in warfare has had a significant part in their development. It
helps to account not only for their growth in number but for
their evolving a culture which was considerably advanced in
comparison to the Apache and Ute.
Despite the absence of the word "Navaho" in Spanish doc-
uments of the 16th century, contact with the tribe probably
was made during that time. Coronado, in relating his war
with the Zuni, mentioned that the pueblos and the province
were up in arms and that he saw many smoke signals rising
at different places.2 The experiences of later Spanish forces
in the region suggest that the Navaho were involved, for they
frequently aided the Pueblo tribes against the Spaniards. In
1582 it is also very likely that Antonio de Espejo encountered
Navaho in the Querechos who came to the assistance of
Acoma. The southern periphery of the Navaho country was
in this vicinity and it seems probable, in light of Onate's ex-
periences two decades later, that the Navaho were the ones
who aided the Acomans.
At the time of the conquest of New Mexico, around 1600,
it appears that the Navaho were the first of the wild tribes
to cause trouble. The first site for a settlement was San Ga-
briel del Yunque, which was located between the Chama and
the Rio Grande, at the entrance to the Navaho country. In-
remains, supposedly Navaho, from Chaco Canyon, New Mexico," American Antiquity,
V ; Paul S. Martin, "Origin of the Navaho," Field Museum News, VII, No. 9 ; H. P.
Mera, "Ceramic clues to the prehistory of north central New Mexico," Laboratory of
Anthropological Technology Series, 1935, and "Some aspects of the Largo cultural
phase, northern New Mexico," American Antiquity, III ; Edward Sapir, "Navaho
linguistic evidence," American Anthropologist, XXXVIII ; and Julian H. Steward,
"Native cultures of the Intermontane (Great Britain) area," Smithsonian Miscellaneous
Collections, C.
2. George P. Hammond and Agapito Rey, eds. Narratives of the Coronado expe-
dition, 1540-1541. Coronado Cuarto-Centennial Publications, 1540-1940 (Albuquerque,
1940).
104 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
dians called "Apache" immediately made life hazardous for
the Spaniards and their Pueblo converts by raids and thefts
of livestock. In 1608 Father Lazaro Ximenez wrote to the
viceroy that the settlement was constantly harassed by the
Apache, and that troops were lacking for defense.3 The vice-
roy ordered the governor to provide the necessary men and
arms.4 Spanish colonists, hard pressed by the chronic attacks,
petitioned the viceroy to permit them to return to New Spain.
In 1609, however, they were ordered to remain,6 for New
Mexico was the key outpost in the northern defenses. The
destructiveness of the Indian raids soon forced them to
abandon the settlement and move to a more secure location,
where Santa Fe was founded.
Although the Indians who committed the depredations
mentioned above were called Apache, the fact that they were
Navaho has been established by an account of this period
written in 1679, before the archives had been destroyed dur-
ing the uprising of the Pueblo Indians in the following year.
In this document it was clearly stated that the abandonment
of San Gabriel and the founding of Santa Fe were owing to
the raids of the Navaho.6 This statement is amply supported
by many others throughout the 17th century, as will be
pointed out.
Navaho incursions increased during the remainder of the
century. By 1622 the Jemez had been driven from their pueb-
8. Mandamiento para que el governador de la nueva mexico conforme al numero
de ger.te y annas que obiere en aquel presidio procure que an de una squadra que
acuda al remedio de los danos que hacen los yndios apaches de guerra en los amigos y
cavallada de Spanoles, 6 marc.o, 1608. MS. A.G.I., 58-3-16. Bancroft Library transcript.
4. Hordenase al governador de la nueva-mexico que conforme al numero de gente
y armas que Ubiere en aquel Presidio Procure que hacen los yndios apaches de guerra
en los amigos y Cavallada de Spanoles . . . March 6, 1608. Ibid.
5. Auto of Velasco II and the Audiencia of Mexico. September 28, 1609. MS. Ibid.
6. Noticias de lo acaecido en la Custodia de la Conversion de San Pablo de la
Provincia de el Santo Evangelic de N. S. P. San Francisco en el Nuevo Megico sacadas
de los Papeles que se guardan en el Archive de Govierno de la Villa de Santa Fe, y em-
piezan desde el ano de 1679. MS. Biblioteca Nacional, Mexico. Bancroft Library trans-
cript. "Entre los dos Rios Norte y Chama, una milla azia el oeste del Pueblo de San
Juan de los Caballeros, y poco mas de nueve leguas al Norte de la Villa de Santa Fe
puso Real Onate, fundo la primer Convento uno y otro con el nombre de San Gabriel
del Yunque, esta fue algunos anos la Capital de la Provincia despues acaso por la es-
trechez del sitio y por ser entonces frontera abierta de los Apaches Navajoes se de-
spoblo, y traslado a donde hoy permanece con el nombre de Santa Fe de Granada."
105
los and scattered throughout the province. In the same period
Spanish encomenderos and missions were given permission
to employ Pueblo converts as herdsmen and teamsters, con-
trary to the usual prohibition against Indians riding horses.
Not long after this there were many complaints that apos-
tates from the pueblos were fleeing to join the heathen
Apache. Undoubtedly it was through these refugees that the
Navaho and other tribes learned to use horses otherwise than
for food.
One of the most valuable accounts of early New Mexico
was that of Father Alonso de Benavides, who resided in the
province from 1622 to 1629. His report included descriptions
of the various Apache tribes and of the Navaho, and although
it is obvious that his estimates of their numbers were enor-
mously exaggerated, his appraisals of the tribes are ex-
tremely useful. He pointed out that the Navaho, unlike the
Apache, cultivated crops, and the name "Navaj6" signified
great planted fields. His statement "This province is the most
warlike of all the Apache nation and where the Spaniards
have well shown their valor"7 is instructive. He stated fur-
ther : "and this is the province which has given the most pain
and care to New Mexico, as well from their being so warlike
and valiant, as from there being in it more than 200,000
souls, by the times that the Spaniards have seen them going
to fight."8
Several attempts were made by the missionaries to con-
vert the Navaho to Christianity in the time of Benavides, but
the results of their efforts were not enduring. Benavides suc-
ceeded in bringing about a temporary peace between the Na-
vaho and the pueblo of Santa Clara by sending a delegation
of Pueblo Indians into the Navaho country. This peace did
not survive for long probably because the Spanish officials
of New Mexico forced Pueblo Indians to assist them in slave
7. The memorial of Fray Alonso de Benavides, 1630. Translated by Mrs. E. E. Aycr
(Chicago, 1916), 44. See also Alonso de Benavides' memorial on New Mexico inrJ.826.
In Bulletin of New York Public Library, III, and F. W. Hodge, G. P. Hammond, and
Agapito Rey, eds. Fray Alonso de Benavidea" revised memorial of 1634* ' Coronado
Cuarto-Centennial Publications, 1540-1940 (Albuquerque, 1945).
8. Ibid., 45.
106 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
raids against the Navaho. Slave raiding, indeed, was one of
the principal reasons for continued Navaho hostility through-
out the 17th century. The participation of Pueblo Indians in
these campaigns greatly increased the animosity of the
Navaho.
From about 1640 conspiracies between the Navaho and
Pueblo tribes for the overthrow of the Spaniards became fre-
quent, and on some occasions Pueblo herders surrendered en-
tire horseherds to their allies.9 Raids and reprisals increased
in intensity. Hundreds of Navaho were sold into slavery in
the mining regions of Chihuahua, and thousands of sheep,
cattle, and horses were taken from Spanish herds. Navaho
hostility made the journey to the distant Zuni and Hopi pueb-
los a perilous one, and was an important factor in the failure
of the Spaniards to bring those tribes under complete
domination.
In the 1660's Navaho depredations still were primarily
responsible for the difficulties of the Spaniards in New Mex-
ico. Peace was made between the Spaniards and some of the
Apache, and an agreement was reached as to which of the
pueblos could be visited for purposes of trade. With regard
to the Navaho and certain Apache, however, the pact did not
apply, saying : "nor should the enemy of the same nation in
the jurisdiction of Casa Fuerte and Navajo come, because
it is from there that the whole kingdom receives hurt " 10
Added to the damages of Navaho and Apache raids in the
1660's was a drouth of three year's duration which greatly
reduced the number of Pueblo Indians and caused wide-
spread suffering among the Spaniards. The Navaho took ad-
vantage of the weakened condition of the province and by
1672 had driven off many horses and all of the sheep except a
few small flocks which had been guarded with great vigi-
lance.11 The loss of horses was especially injurious, for most
9. Charles W. Hackett and Charmion Shelby, eds. Revolt of the Pueblo Indiana
of New Mexico and Otermin's attempted reconquest, 16SO-168S. Coronado Cuarto-Cen-
tennial Publications, 1540-1940 (2 vols., Albuquerque, 1942), II, 299.
10. Charles Wilson Hackett, ed. Historical documents relating to New Mexico,
Nueva Vizcaya, and approaches thereto (3 vols., Washington, D. C., 1923-37), III, 143.
11. Ibid., 302.
NAVAHO DURING THE SPANISH REGIME 107
of the troops in New Mexico were left without mounts. The
damaging raids of this period undermined Spanish defenses
and prepared the way for their expulsion from the province.
In 1677 Father Francisco de Ay eta, one of the Spaniards
who most clearly foresaw the impending ruin of the province
if the Navaho and Apache raids were unchecked, brought to
New Mexico a wagon train of supplies for the Franciscan
missions and a herd of one thousand horses for the troops.12
In 1679 he was again in Mexico City petitioning for more
men and horses for the relief of the beleaguered province. A
year later, as he was approaching the Rio Grande with an-
other wagon train of supplies, he met the Spaniards fleeing
from Santa Fe, and learned that the Navaho and Apache
had joined the Pueblo Indians in a concerted uprising.
While the Pueblo Revolt was in progress and during the
absence of the Spaniards from New Mexico, the Navaho
seem to have waged successful war against the Havasupai,
whose lands lay to the west. According to the report of Fray
Alonso Posadas in 1686, the Cosninas (Havasupai) had been
subdued by the Navaho.13 This war between the Navaho and
Havasupai, which is supported by legends of the latter, is of
significance in determining the western limits of Navaho-
land, for few Spaniards had an opportunity to visit it. Some
writers have suggested that the Navaho did not occupy mod-
ern Arizona before the 18th century ; the informe of Posadas
indicates their presence in the region during an earlier era.
It was not until 1692 that the Spaniards made a successful
re-entry into New Mexico. For the remainder of the century
they were engaged in combatting conspiracies and revolts
of the Navaho and Jemez, and occasionally other Pueblo
tribes.
Despite the intermittent conflict between the Navaho and
Spaniards, members of the tribe came annually to a fair held
for them in the province. They exchanged deerskins and
woolen cloth for Spanish livestock, and "ransomed" their
12. Letter of Fray Francisco de Ayeta. MS. In New Mexico Documents (3 vols.,
in Bancroft Library), I, 299.
13. Informe of Fray Alonso Posadas. Ibid., 221.
108 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
prisoners taken in warfare. Thus they became suppliers of
Indian slaves to New Mexico, a fact which seems to have re-
lieved them of slave raids by the Spaniards. It was stated
at this time that the Navaho made annual raids against the
Pawnee and Jumano (Wichita?) of the Arkansas river re-
gion for the purpose of acquiring captives to be traded in
New Mexico.14 According to Father Juan Amando Niel, four
or five thousand Navaho came each year to the fair, and on
occasion large numbers of them aided the governor of New
Mexico in wars against rebellious pueblos.15
In 1706 Governor Francisco Cuervo y Valdez wrote a de-
tailed account of the Navaho which is suggestive regarding
their progress and change during the 17th century. The
frontier of their lands lay, he wrote, along El Penasco de las
Huellas, the San Antonio, Jara, and Culebra rivers, the old
pueblo of Chama, Embudo de la Piedra, Buenaventura de
Cochiti, San Felipe, Santa Ana, Cia, the jurisdictions of the
Valle de la Canada, Chimayo, Picuries, Taos, the post of San
Francisco del Bernalillo, the new villa of Albuquerque, San
Diego y San Juan de los Jemez, Rio Puerco, Cebolleta, San
Jose de la Laguna, El Pefiol de San Estevan de Acoma, the
places of Santa Ana, El Nacimiento, and El Morro, and the
extended provinces of Zuni and Hopi. His description of the
Navaho merits inclusion.
In all this distance there live innumerable Indians of the same
[Navajo] nation, though without the knowledge which those living
nearer receive from us, dwelling as they do, in the territory extending
from those frontiers to the banks and valleys of the said large river
[Colorado], maintaining themselves from their fields. They cultivate
the soil with great industry, sowing corn, beans, squash, and other
seeds, such as those of chile, which they use having found them in the
towns of our Christian Indians of this kingdom. Yet this is nothing new
among these Apaches, for whenever they are sedentary they do the
same things. They make their clothes of wool and cotton, sowing the
latter and obtaining the former from the flocks which they raise.
Although these things are true, the adversary of mankind . . . has
perturbed the spirits of these Navajo Apaches on many occasions, as
14. Apuntamientos que a las memorias del Padre Fray Geronimo de Zarate hizo
el Padre Juan Amando Niel de la Compania de Jesus. In Documentos para la historia
de Mexico (4 series, 19 vols., Mexico, 1853-57) 3d series, pt. 2, 108.
16. Ibid.
NAVAHO DURING THE SPANISH REGIME 109
has been seen in the continuous wars which they waged from the con-
quest of this kingdom up to the time of the general revolt of the fatal
year 1680. These wars they have continued from the year 1693 until
last year, 1705, when they were halted by the war which I waged
vigorously against them because of their great crimes, their audacity,
and their reckless depredations upon the frontiers and pueblos of this
kingdom. . . . Their good faith is attested by the confidence with which
they continue to barter and trade on our said frontiers and in our
pueblos.16
In the 18th century relations between the Navaho and
Spaniards changed remarkably. Although the Navaho were
hostile during the early years of the century, and although
many punitive expeditions were sent into their lands, by
1720 raids and reprisals had ceased and the Navaho no
longer were numbered among the enemies of the province.
This favorable situation was not caused by Spanish success
in winning the friendship of the tribe, but for other and more
impelling reasons. After 1700 the hostility of the Ute toward
the Navaho had become particularly intense, and Ute incur-
sions cost the Navaho large numbers of their livestock. In
the same period, furthermore, a new and much more dreaded
foe appeared — the Comanche. Comanche raids were carried
deep into Navaho territory with impunity, for the tribe was
formidable and enterprising in war. Between the invasions
of the Ute and Comanche the Navaho, who were now people
of considerable property, found themselves in much the same
situation as the Spaniards. The herds and flocks which they
owned made attacks upon them profitable for their enemies,
and they were forced to assume the defensive. They soon
realized that friendship with the Spaniards was necessary,
and peaceful overtures were made.
Because of the peace with the Navaho, Spanish mission-
aries revived hope of converting the tribe to Christianity. In
1744 two Franciscan priests, Fray Carlos Delgado and Fray
Jose Yrigoyen, entered the Navaho country from Isleta. The
friendly reception which was given them and the willingness
of the Navaho to listen to their exhortations pleased the pa-
dres immensely, and aroused even greater expectations. They
16. Hackett, op. cit., Ill, 381, 382.
110 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
hastened back to New Mexico and dispatched enthusiastic
and optimistic reports to the superiors of their order.
As evidence of their sincerity the Navaho sent a delega-
tion to Santa Fe, where it was addressed in a cordial manner
by the governor.17 Delgado and his equally zealous com-
panion declared that on their brief visit they had converted
5,000 Navaho.18 They must have made only a generous esti-
mate, however, for it is doubtful that there were more than
4,000 in the tribe at the time. When word of the "marvelous
conversion" of the Navaho reached the ear of the king, he
commanded the viceroy to continue the campaign. The vice-
roy forwarded similar instructions to the governor of New
Mexico, Joachin Codallos y Rabal, who assembled a dozen
men known to be familiar with the Navaho country, and re-
corded their testimony. They were in general agreement that
the Navaho were people worthy of becoming subjects of the
king, and that they raised many sheep and horses. They de-
scribed the customary dwellings, the excellent woolen and
cotton cloth, and the baskets which the Navaho made. They
placed the number of Navaho at between three and four
thousand, large and small. In 1743 a Navaho had told the
Spaniards of a silver deposit in his country and had offered
to lead them to it. Governor Codallos accompanied the party
which went in search, but no mine was found. The Navaho
had received their visitors in a friendly fashion, and had
furnished guides. Owing to his knowledge of the Navaho, the
governor considered their conversion especially desirable.19
Four missions were authorized for the Navaho country
and a garrison of thirty soldiers for their protection. The
shortage of troops prevented the plan from being carried
out completely, but in 1749 missions were established at Ce-
bolleta and Encinal.20 Many Navaho were persuaded to move
17^ Carta del Reverendo Padre Fray Carlos Delgado, June 18, 1744. MS. In New
Mexico Documents, lor. eit., II, 692-701.
18. Carta del Padre Fray Jos6 Yrigoyen, June 21, 1744. Ibid., 701-704. Translated
in Hackett, op. cit.. Ill, 413, 414.
19. Letter of Governor Joachin Codallos y Rabal. MS. New Mexico Archives.
20. Joachin Codallos y Rabal. Ano de 1745. Testimonio a la letra de los Autos
que originates . . . Sobre La Reduction de los Indies gentiles de la Provincia de Navajo
. . . MS. Bancroft Library. Translated in Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections. C, 395-
417.
NAVAHO DURING THE SPANISH REGIME 111
their families to these two locations. Their willingness to
make the change was the result of Ute and Comanche forays
rather than desire to accept Christianity or village life, al-
though this fact seems to have escaped the ardent mission-
aries. By 1750 there was evidence that the Navaho were not
satisfied with only the spiritual rewards of Christianity, and
when those of Encinal were refused permission to move to
Cubero they abandoned the project.21 Those of Cebolleta also
decided suddenly to retire.
The unexpected withdrawal of the Navaho came as a rude
blow to missionaries as well as certain officials of New Mex-
ico. Upon investigation they learned that the principal cause
of complaint was the failure of the missionaries to fulfill
their promises to provide livestock, seeds, and tools to the
supposed converts. The fact that the Navaho had an oppor-
tunity to observe closely the condition of the Pueblo Indians
under Spanish control also had caused them to weigh more
carefully the tangible benefits of their new life, and made
them yearn for their old freedom. They did not immediately
renew hostilities against New Mexico, however, and Spanish
officials remained confident that Ute and Comanche atten-
tions would force them to return.
In resisting the Ute the Navaho occasionally employed
shrewd and resourceful methods, especially when flight to a
precipitous mesa did not suffice for their safety. One group
which was about to be destroyed by a war-party of Ute
hastily made a crude wooden cross and held above it an al-
manac given them by the priests. They hailed their adver-
saries and informed them that the Spaniards had sent the
letter and cross and commanded them to be friends. The ruse
worked, and the governor of New Mexico, upon learning of
it from the Ute, did not disclose the Navaho's secret in order
to make the tribe indebted to him.22
One of the most serious problems of New Mexico officials
21. Communication regarding: the missions of Cebolleta and Encinal, and the oc-
currences in the year 1750. In New Mexico Documents, loc. cit., II, 1090-95. Translated
in Hackett, op. cit., Ill, 424, 425.
22. Alfred Barnaby Thomas. The Plains Indians and New Mexico, 1751-1778. Coro-
nado Cuarto-Centennial Publications, 1540-1940 (Albuquerque, 1940), 117, 118.
112 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
in the 18th century was conducting the annual fairs for the
Navaho, Ute, and Comanche without allowing hostilities to
break out among them. Jealousy among these powerful tribes
was strong, and the governors were in the delicate position
of having to favor the more dangerous Comanche without
actually appearing to do so. Another no less important and
difficult task was preventing these tribes from becoming
friendly enough with one another to permit them to forget
mutual grievances and make common cause against the
province.
The continued peaceful relations with the Navaho per-
mitted the Spaniards to penetrate into lands formerly un-
safe. In the 1760's a number of them settled on lands beyond
the customary frontier. The Navaho were still hard pressed
by the Ute and Comanche, and Spanish friendship and pro-
tection were valuable to them. The friendship of the Navaho
was jeopardized, however, by the growing bonds between
the Spaniards on the one hand and the Comanche and Ute
on the other. In the 1770's the Navaho resentfully resumed
their raids on New Mexico after a half century of peaceful
relations. A few families, nevertheless, remained at Encinal
and Cebolleta.23
The renewal of Navaho attacks combined with the uneasy
peace of the Ute and Comanche threw New Mexico once more
into a condition similar to that which had prevailed a cen-
tury earlier. Chronic raiding again depleted the supply of
livestock, so that once more it was necessary to send horse-
herds to New Mexico for the defense of the province.24
Attacks on the Navaho by Spaniards and Ute led some
members of the tribe to seek peace in New Mexico. Since
there was no tribal authority which all members of the tribe
obeyed, however, peace was an individual matter. Some Na-
vaho remained friendly and continued trading with the Span-
iards even when others were carrying on raids. Navaho as-
28. [Order of] Don Pedro Fermin de Mendinueta del Orden de Santiago . . . Go-
vernador y Capitan General de este Reino del Nuebo Mexico. 25 de Abril, 1771. MS.
Bancroft Library.
24. Al Comandante Inspector de Presidios, 1 de Noviembre, 1775. MS. Provincial
Internas, tomo 65. Bancroft Library transcript.
NAVAHO DURING THE SPANISH REGIME 113
saults on the Hopi in this period virtually forced that tribe
to accept Spanish protection, after resisting Spanish over-
tures for nearly a century.25
In 1777 the Navaho further complicated the problems of
Spanish colonial officials by joining the Gilefio Apache (Chi-
ricahua) in their forays. This action, which was instigated
by certain belligerent Navaho, was not popular with the
whole tribe. A basic part of Spanish Indian policy in the
northern provinces now was to separate the Navaho and Gi-
lefios, and to induce the former to wage war against the lat-
ter. In this period the Spaniards resolved to carry on unceas-
ing warfare against the Apache until they were completely
destroyed, since they harassed towns along the entire north-
ern frontier.26 Apache-Navaho attacks were directed, in the
1780's, against the settlements south and west of New Mex-
ico, Tucson, Janos, and Arispe especially being the targets
of their raids. Observers declared that as many as five hun-
dred Navaho participated in some of these forays.27 The
number probably was greatly exaggerated, as it would have
involved half of the men capable of bearing arms.
One of the Navaho chiefs identified as participating in
the raid on Janos in 1783 was Antonio El Pinto. Thereafter
Antonio was regarded with suspicion by the Spanish officials
of New Mexico and Chihuahua. Even after 1784, when Gov-
ernor Juan Bautista de Anza persuaded the Navaho to aban-
don their alliance with the Gilenos, Antonio was thought to
be resentful and unfriendly. Anza, one of the most astute In-
dian agents in the Southwest at any time, succeeded in win-
ning the friendship of the Comanche as well as the Navaho,
and during his regime New Mexico was more fortunate in
her relations with the warlike tribes than at any other time.
25. Alfred Barnaby Thomas. Forgotten frontiers (Norman, Okla., 1932), 237.
26. Bernardo de Galvez. Instruccion formada en virtud de real 6rden de su Ma-
gestad, que se dirige al Senor Comandante General de Provincias Internas Don Jacobo <
Ugarte y Loyola para gobierno y puntual observandia de este superior gefe y de BUS
inmediatos subalternos. 1786.
27. Nuevo-Mexico. Afios de 1787, y 88. Copia de Oficio del gobernador del Nuevo-
Mexico sobre la prision del Capitan Navajo llamado Antonio, Alias el Pinto . . . Oficio
Niimero 13, Santa F6 de Nuevo-Mexico, 10 de Noviembre de 1787. Fernando de la
Concha. MS. Provincias Internas, tomo 65. Bancroft Library transcript.
114 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
By the exercise of tact, patience, and embargoing trade with
the Navaho, Anza finally obtained their assistance against
the Gilenos. Another of his accomplishments of no less signi-
ficance was persuading the Navaho to accept the authority
of a head chief.28 An interpreter was placed among them,
partially as a spy, and in part to absolve them of unfounded
suspicions. With the head chief the interpreter visited all of
the Navaho rancherias in 1786, and reported that the tribe
consisted of about 700 families of four to five persons each,
and that it was divided into five divisions : San Mateo, Cebo-
lleta, Canon, Chusca, and Chelly. There were 1,000 men capa-
ble of bearing arms in the tribe. They possessed upwards of
1,000 horses, a smaller number of sheep, and a few cows.
These animals were cared for with considerable attention for
their increase.29 Very probably their herds and flocks had
been depleted by the Comanche and Ute raids, and it is also
likely that not all of the sheep were seen.
The reliance of the Navaho upon trade with New Mexico
had been emphasized when it was cut off by Anza's order.
Many Navaho protested that the lack of supplies caused
suffering among them, and pleaded that it be restored. As
soon as they had given evidence of their sincerity in severing
the alliance with the Gilenos, Anza re-opened the traffic.
Antonio El Pinto, who has been mentioned previously,
visited Anza in Santa Fe in 1785, confessed his past wrong-
doings, and promised to remain faithful in the future. His
allegiance still was questioned, and on a number of occasions
the interpreter was sent to check on him with regard to his
possible participation in recent raids. No evidence against
him was discovered; nevertheless he was not considered
trustworthy. In October, 1787, Antonio and some of his
kinsmen went to Isleta to trade. He was seized by the alcalde
and taken to Santa Fe, where he was held pending orders
from the Commanding General of the Provincias Internas.
The head chief of the Navaho, as well as many others of the
28. Thomas, Forgotten frontiers, 345.
29. Extracto de ocurrencias sobre la division introducida entre Navajos y Gilenos.
1786. MS. Provincias Internas. tomo 65. Bancroft Library transcript. Translated in
Thomas, Ibid., 345-351.
115
tribe, hastened to Santa Fe to plead with the governor,
Fernando de la Concha, for his release. In July of 1788
Antonio was freed, for Concha had become convinced of his
innocence and of his value as a friend to the Spanish cause.
An escort of an officer, Vicente Troncoso, and four soldiers
was provided the chief on his return trip to the Navaho
country.
Troncoso's visit to Antonio's rancheria was one of the
high points of the friendly relations between the Navaho and
Spaniards. Troncoso declared that the Navaho men wore
clothing similar to that of the Spaniards. He described their
woolen mantas and commented on their baskets, which he
asserted were the most esteemed not only in the northern
provinces but in Mexico as well. He proposed to the Navaho
that they concentrate upon the weaving of serapes for trade,
and recommended that they purchase in New Mexico wool
dyed in good colors to be used in their weaving.30 Whether
the Navaho accepted this advice or not is difficult to ascer-
tain. They did weave serapes for trade, and there is evidence
of their acquiring dyes and even yarns from the Spaniards.
The bayeta yarn which the Navaho made was composed of
ravelings from English red flannel or baize.
The peace established with the Navaho at this time
endured for two decades more. Toward the end of the cen-
tury sporadic raiding was resumed, for the Navaho had
become strong enough to protect themselves against their
enemies. In 1796 some of them broke the peace by renewing
their former alliance with the Gilenos. The governor of New
Mexico sent expeditions against them, and by 1800 he was
able to report that they had been pacified once more.31
Friendly relations were not re-established, however, for the
Navaho continued to join the Gilenos, and the Pueblos of
Jemez and Laguna again were subjected to their attacks.
In 1804 some Navaho requested permission to settle at
Cebolleta, but the settlement had been strengthened against
30. Nuevo-Mexico. Ano de 1788. Niimero 5. Vizente Troncoso to Fernando de la
Concha. MS. Provincias Internas, tomo 65. Bancroft Library transcript.
31. Fernando Chac6n, July , 1796, and June 21, 1800. MS. New Mexico Archives.
116 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
them, and the petition was refused. The Navaho resentfully
increased their raids, and it was again necessary for Spanish
expeditions to seek retribution in the Navaho country by the
devastation of cornfields and the removal of sheep and
horses. The Navaho replied by an attack upon Cebolleta.
Among the several campaigns against the Navaho in 1804
only the last one, conducted by Lieutenant Narbona late in
December, achieved success. Narbona, despite the inclemency
of the weather, marched deep into Navaho country and
attacked the stronghold of Canon de Chelly, where the
Navaho considered themselves secure. An overwhelming
victory was won by the Spaniards. Ninety men and twenty-
five women fell before their gunfire, and thirty-six captives
were taken. Thirty horses and nearly one thousand sheep also
were seized by the victors.
The extraordinary triumph of Narbona enabled Gov-
ernor Chacon to dictate severe terms in the peace treaty
with the Navaho in March of 1805. The tribe gave up its
claims to Cebolleta and to livestock in the possession of the
Spaniards, and agreed not to graze its herds east of the
canyon of Juan Tafoya, the Rio del Oso, and San Mateo.
When they came to Santa Fe in the future they were to
expect no gifts, and further robberies on their part were to
be punished severely. Equally bitter for the Navaho to accept
was the demand that they return 4,000 sheep, 150 cattle,
and sixty horses which had been stolen recently.82
For the remainder of 1805 the Navaho, still suffering
from their defeat, preserved the peace. Toward the end of
the year, however, the alcalde of Laguna recommended that
Cebolleta be abandoned because of Navaho encroachments
on the horse pastures of the settlement.33 Other indications
of dissatisfaction on the part of the Navaho were observed,
although they were careful to avoid the outbreak of hos-
tilities.
After the insurrection under Hidalgo began in Mexico,
Spanish defenses against the Indians suffered from neglect
82. Fernando Chacon, March 27, 1805. MS. New Mexico Archives.
33. Aragon, alcalde mayor of Laguna, December 6, 180S. MS. New Mexico Archive
117
by the government. The Navaho took advantage of Spanish
preoccupation elsewhere, and began stealing livestock. In
1815 they attacked Zuni but were persuaded to abandon the
warpath. Severe raids by the Comanche were blamed on the
Spaniards, and Navaho attacks occurred with greater fre-
quency, although not all members of the tribe were un-
friendly. Many of them, in order not to have their trade
interrupted, presented themselves before the alcaldes of
various pueblos to demonstrate their loyalty In 1818 raids
by the Navaho caused the removal of herds from the frontier
of their country. Similar conditions prevailed for the few
remaining years of Spanish rule in New Mexico. In August
of 1821 Agustin Iturbide declared Mexico independent of
Spain, and New Mexico became a remote and relatively
unimportant province of the chaotic Empire and later Re-
public of Mexico.
By the end of the period of Spanish rule in New Mexico
the Navaho had evolved the material culture which they have
preserved fairly intact into the present century. An examina-
tion of Spanish documents of the 17th and 18th centuries
has revealed that many current ideas concerning the Na-
vaho are erroneous. The belief that the tribe was small and
insignificant in the early 17th century must be completely
revised. Actually, as was stated on many occasions by Span-
ish officials of that epoch, the Navaho were the most trouble-
some of the New Mexican tribes. Spanish accounts also make
patent the fact that by 1700 the Navaho were weaving cotton
and wool, both of which they produced themselves. The fact
that the Navaho were not known to raise cotton in later eras
has led to the opinion that they did not grow it at any time.
Similarly, their lack of basketry in more recent periods has
caused a conviction that basketry was not one of the accom-
plishments in the years since the conquest of New Mexico.
Not only were their baskets mentioned in numerous accounts
but in the late 18th century they were declared to be well
known even in Mexico. In the 17th century the Navaho not
only acquired herds and flocks but increased their number
considerably by accepting into the tribe refugees from the
118 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
pueblos. During the following century they completed the
adoption of Spanish and Pueblo culture traits and the devel-
opment of their characteristic way of life. A statement by
Governor Fernando de Chacon concerning the Navaho in
1795 is a particularly appropriate conclusion :
These Gentiles are not in a state of coveting herds [of sheep], as
their own are innumerable. They have increased their horse herds
considerably ; they sow much on good fields ; they work their wool with
more delicacy and taste than the Spaniards. Men as well as women
go decently clothed; and their Captains are rarely seen without silver
jewelry; they are more adept in speaking Castilian than any other
Gentile nation; so that they really seem "town" Indians much more
than those who have been reduced.34
34. Lansing: Bartlett Bloom. "Early weaving in New Mexico." NEW MEXICO HIS-
TORICAL REVIEW, II, 233.
A CORONADO EPISODE
By J. WESLEY HUFF *
(Copyrighted, 1949, by J. Wesley Huff and the Gallup Independent)
AN accident of time in June 1540 resulted in bloodshed,
murder, the martyrdom of Franciscan priests and an
animosity on the part of the Zuni Indians for people of Span-
ish ancestry which has lasted more than 400 years.
The chronicles of Coronado's expedition into the South-
west in 1540-42 in search of the Seven Cities of Cibola re-
port incidents which the Spaniards attributed to the treach-
ery of the Indians. The battle with Coronado at Hawikuh
was a completely unfamiliar procedure for the Zufiis. In-
dians of the Southwest were accustomed to make raids and
counter raids. But they did not fight in battle array and they
did not stand siege.
The battle was not treachery. It was only the Indians'
way of handling a strange and difficult situation which hap-
pened by a queer twist of fate, and never would happen again
if the history of the period were to be re-lived. Vasquez de
Coronado and his army leaders were unaware of the accident
of time which made the Spanish people the traditional ene-
mies of the Zuni people.
Captain Juan Jaramillo, who accompanied Coronado,
wrote a detailed account of the entire expedition telling of
other Indian tribes with which the expedition came in con-
tact. He unknowingly called for an explanation when he
wrote : "All of these Indians, except the first in the first vil-
lage of Cibola, received us well."
One explanation of the conflict with the Spanish is hinted
in a story handed down by the people that the first soldiers
to come from Mexico used the carved wooden figures in the
Zuni altars for firewood. The detailed story, however, has •
come to light only now through historical research involving
* Mr. Huff was Editor of The Gallup Independent (see Notes and Documents in
this issue of the REVIEW). This article on Coronado is reprinted from The Gallup
Independent with the permission of Mr. Huff granted by letter under dkte of July
12, 1949. Ed.
119
120 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
the correlation of dates of the Julian calendar which was in
use in 1540 with the primitive ritual calendar of the Zunis.
The first contact made by Coronado and his men with the
people of Zuni was at the sacred lake near the confluence of
the Little Colorado and Zufii rivers a few miles northwest of
St. Johns, Ariz. The Indians he met were members of a cere-
monial party which had come to the lake on a quadrennial
pilgrimage as part of the summer solstice ceremonies.
The Indians promised Coronado the food his men needed
on the next day, and then ran away. That night there was a
skirmish between a small party of Indians and an advance
mounted patrol headed by Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas.
The Indians were the pilgrims and the place their sacred
camping ground within a day's journey from the village of
Zuni. The location is a hogback through which the Zuni river
flows a few miles south of Witch Wells, Ariz. It was here,
probably, that the Zunis saw their Katchina altar figures
burning in the campfires of the soldiers.
The decorum of the summer solstice pilgrimage at that
point was thoroughly disrupted by the Spaniards. But the
Zunis were determined to carry it out in close traditional
form even though it meant a fight.
Don Garcia reported the skirmish with the Indians that
night to Coronado at the base camp, and the next day the
troops moved toward Hawikuh, the first of the Zuni villages.
Here they found the Indians drawn up in hostile formation,
and despite conciliatory advances from Coronado they chose
to fight. It was a delaying action to permit the pilgrims to
escort the Kor-kok-shi gods into the village of Zuni some 15
miles to the northeast at sundown in traditional pattern, that
they might dance for rain and bountiful crops uninterrupted
in the plazas. The battle of Hawikuh was a successful delay-
ing action. Coronado was wounded in the affray, and after
the capture of the town his starving men remained there for
several days to regain their strength on captured food
supplies.
Coronado reported that three days after the capture of
the town some of the people living there brought him gifts
A CORONADO EPISODE 121
and petitioned for peace, then suddenly packed off their be-
longings to the hills. It was not until Coronado recovered
from the arrow wound in his foot some ten days later that
he went on to the village of Zuni where he found only a few
old people. The rest had taken refuge on Corn Mountain, as
became their custom during the many ensuing years of Span-
ish and Mexican occupation when things grew hot for them
in their villages.
The rain making ceremonies of the summer solstice were
carried out by the Zufiis that year under strange and trying
circumstances. Some of the people died at Hawikuh that the
gods might dance. What the reaction of the pilgrims was
when they first saw the strange white people on their awe-
some horses will never be known. But when the strangers
violated their shrines, the newcomers, whoever they might
be, became unwelcome. Even today all people of Spanish an-
cestry, even those individuals whom the Zufiis consider to be
their friends, are persona-non-grata at their ceremonials.
They respect the feelings of the Zufiis by staying away. Some
people trace the present-day resistance of the Zufiis to the
ways of the white man and to their new right to vote to the
accident of time which permitted Coronado to blunder into
the most important ceremony on the Zufii summer ritual
calendar.
The key to the correlation of time which makes possible
this analysis of the situation 409 years after it occurred lies
in the date of the fixed feast of St. John the Baptist and the
date of the summer solstice in 1540, both on the Julian
calendar.
The Julian calendar was established about 45 B. C., but
got out of synchronization with the seasons (equinoxes and
solstices) because 3651/4 days was used as a basis of reckon-
ing instead of the true period of the earth's tropical year
which is 11 minutes 14 seconds shorter. This amounts to an
error of a little more than three days in 400 years (one day
in 128 years) .
At the time of the council of Nice in 325 A. D., the Julian
calendar was correct so that the equinox fell on March 21.
122 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
But by 1582 when Pope Gregory established the present
Gregorian calendar, it had fallen back ten days. The Lowell
Observatory at Flagstaff, Ariz., reports in the year 1540 the
time of summer solstice was about 9.49 days earlier. Drop-
ping the fraction, since it is less than half a day, the date of
the summer solstice in 1540 was June 12, instead of June 21.
This provides the information for the dates of the summer
solstice ceremonies of the Zunis in 1540.
When Pope Gregory in 1582 abolished the Julian calen-
dar and substituted the New Style Gregorian calendar he
directed the day following the feast of St. Francis, that is
to say October 5, 1582, be reckoned as the 15th of the month.
The next year the feast of St. Francis was celebrated October
14 as today. Applying the same procedure to St. John's day,
observed under the Julian calendar on June 14, the date was
advanced to the present June 24 date. The Julian calendar
date for St. John's day is important in the history of the
Coronado expedition, for it is from that date that the prog-
ress of the Spanish soldiers toward Hawikuh and Zuni can
be dated accurately.
The summer solstice had been observed two days earlier
and the Zufiis had started preparations for the traditional
ceremonies when Coronado's men reached a river they called
the San Juan, because they reached it on the feast day of St.
John the Baptist, June 14. The progress of the expedition is
reported in detail in the account given by Capt. Juan Jara-
millo :
Leaving here we went to another river, through a somewhat rough
country, more toward the north, to a river which we called the Rafts
[de las Balsas] because we had to cross on these as it was rising. It
seems we spent two days between one river and the other [June 16]
and I say this because it is so long since we were there that I may be
wrong in some days, though not in the rest. From here we went to
another river which we called the Slough [de la Barranca]. It was two
short days from one to the other, and the direction almost northeast
[June 18]. From here we went to another river which we called the
Cold River [el rio Frio] on account of its water being so, in one day's
journey [June 19], and from here we went by a pine mountain, where
we found almost on top of it, a cool spring and streamlet, which was
another day's march [June 20].
A CORONADO EPISODE 123
From here we went to another river, which we called the Red River *
[Bermejo], two day's journey in the same direction, but less toward
the northeast [June 22].
Here we saw an Indian or two, who afterward appeared to belong to
the first settlement of Cibola [Hawikuh]. From here we came in two
days journey [June 24] to the said village, the first of Cibola.
Pedro de Castaneda of Najera, writing some 20 years
after the expedition of 1540-42, presents this information:
From here they went on through the wilderness, and in 15 days
came to a river about eight leagues2 from Cibola which they called
the Red River because its waters were muddy and reddish. — The
first Indians from that country were seen here — two of them who ran
away giving the news [June 22]. During the night following the next
day [June 23-24] about two leagues [5.26 miles] from the village
[Hawikuh], some Indians in a safe place yelled so that, although the
men were ready for anything, some were so excited they put their
saddles on hind side before; but these were the new fellows. When the
veterans had mounted and ridden around the camp the Indians fled.
None of them could be caught because they knew the country.
The next day [June 24] they entered the settled country in good
order, and when they saw the first village, which was Cibola, such were
the curses that some hurled at Friar Marcos that I pray God may pro-
tect him from them.
These two accounts establish fairly accurately that Coro-
nado met the first Zufii Indians at the juncture of the Little
Colorado and the Zufii rivers close to the location of their
sacred lake, and later that night a skirmish occurred at the
camping place traditionally used by the Zuni pilgrims on
their return to the village.
The year 1948 was a pilgrimage year for the Zuriis to the
sacred lake, Kothuluwala-wa, northwest of St. Johns, Ariz.
Zuni tradition calls for the pilgrimage every "fourth year."
However, observations in recent times indicate the Zunis
count the ceremonial seasons — winter and summer — each as
a "year" so that actually the pilgrimages have been taking
place with regularity every second calendar year. This is
1. Bandelier identifies this as the Little Colorado river. At that time of year the
Zuni river runs almost dry, while even today there is a substantial stream in the
Little Colorado.
2. An old Spanish league was 2.63 miles, eight leagues being equal to 21.04
miles.
124 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
true with other "four year" ceremonials. The summer sol-
stice in 1948 occurred on June 21, and the pilgrims returned
to the village with the Kor-kok-shi gods shortly before sun-
down on July 3, the 12th day in elapsed time after the solstice.
The Zuni observation of the solstice is made at sunset on the
day it occurs, so when the pilgrims enter the village with the
gods it is the 12th sunset after the date of the solstice.
In the year 1540 the summer solstice occurred on June 12
the Lowell Observatory reports. With the Zunis starting to
count at sunset on June 12 for the summer solstice ceremo-
nies, the pilgrims with the Kor-kok-shi gods would arrive
back in the village at sundown June 24. That is the date of
the battle at Hawikuh, 15 miles southwest of the main Zuni
village where the ceremonies are conducted.
Stevenson, in the 23rd annual report to the Bureau of
Ethnology, reports pilgrims from the village of Zuni make a
journey every four years to the sacred lake in which the
Katchina gods live. On their trip out they camp the first
night (ninth night after the solstice or June 21 in 1540) on
a ridge or hogback through which the Zuni river flows. The
next day (June 22 in 1540) the pilgrims split into two
parties, each going to sacred heights close to the sacred lake,
and later sink weighted prayer sticks in the marshy lake.
They camp that night on one of the hills, and on the morning
of the llth day after solstice (June 23 in 1540) they return
to the marsh to hunt for turtles. It was June 23, 1540 the ac-
counts disclose that Coronado made first contact with the
Zunis.
After the turtle hunt they make a sacred fire by friction
and light a torch of cedar bark which is to be carried back to
Zuni. Once the fire is kindled it is a signal for the start of the
return trip. Other brands are kept in readiness for the fire
must not go out on the way. They also gather pinkish clay
used by the personators of the gods.
The carrier of the torch runs back and forth as the pil-
grims return, setting fire to dead clumps of sagebrush so
that the smoke may rise in clouds like the breath clouds from
the gods of the lake. That night (June 23 in 1540) they camp
A CORONADO EPISODE 125
at the same ridge where they camped on the trip out. A fire
is built and a dance held until midnight. Early in the morning
of the 12th day after the solstice (June 24 in 1540) they con-
tinue on to Zuni, meeting the Kor-kok-shi gods outside the
village. They cross the river and enter the town at sunset to
dance in the plazas.
Coronado wrote a letter on August 3, 1540 to Don Anto-
nio de Mendoza, viceroy of New Spain, in which he reported
the day the expedition met the Indians he sent Don Garcia
Lopez ahead to occupy any bad places the Indians might de-
fend. Don Garcia apparently discovered the hogback camp-
site used by the Zunis on their pilgrimage, for the night he
occupied it was the very night the Zuni pilgrims were sched-
uled to use it. He also tells of the skirmish on the ridge that
night with the Indians.
Here is a translation of part of his letter :
I sent the army-master, Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas, with 15
horsemen, a day's march ahead of me, in order to explore the country
and prepare the way The way was very bad for at least 30 leagues
and more through impassable mountains. But when we had passed these
30 leagues, we found fresh rivers and grass like that of Castile. . . . No
Indians were seen during the first day's march, after which four In-
dians came out with signs of peace, saying they had been sent to that
desert place to say that we were welcome, and that on the next day the
tribe would provide the whole force with food. The army-master gave
them a cross, telling them to say to the people in their city that they
need not fear, and that they shoud have their people stay in their own
houses, because I was coming in the name of His Majesty to defend
and help them.
After this was done, Ferrando Alvarado came back to tell me that
some Indians had met him peaceably, and that two of them were with
the army-master waiting for me. I went to them forthwith and gave
them some paternosters and some little cloaks, telling them to return
to their city and say to the people there that they could stay quietly
in their houses and they need not fear.
Coronado apparently was playing safe and prepared for
"treachery" from the Indians. He continued:
After this I ordered the army-master to go and see if there were
any bad passages which the Indians might be able to defend, and to
seize and hold any such until the next day when I could come up. He
126 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
went, and found a very bad place where we might have received very
much harm. He immediately established himself there and with the
force which he was conducting. The Indians came that very night to
occupy the place so as to defend it, and finding it taken, they assaulted
our men. According to what I have been told, they attacked like valiant
men3 although in the end they had to retreat in flight, because the
army-master was on the watch and kept his men in good order.4 The
Indians sounded a little trumpet as a sign of retreat, and did not do
any injury to the Spaniards.5
The army-master sent me notice of this the same night, so that on the
next day I started with as good order as I could, for we were in such
great need for food that I thought we should all die of hunger if we
continued to be without provisions for another day, especially the In-
dians, since altogether we did not have two bushels of corn, and so I
was forced to hasten forward without delay.
Here Coronado reports that the Indians lighted fires to
signal the approach of the troops toward the village. Smoke
signals probably were ignited, but it is interesting to con-
sider the possibility, however remote, that the signals may
have been those lighted by the torch carrier with the party of
pilgrims as it continued to carry out in detail the traditions
of the ceremony despite the threat from the white strangers.
This is what Coronado said :
The Indians lighted their fires from point to point, and these were
answered from the distance with as good understanding as we could
have shown. Thus notice was given concerning how we went and where
we had arrived.
The story of the battle of Hawikuh as told by Coronado in
his letter to the viceroy is well known. The Zunis rejected
his offer of peace and showered his emissaries with arrows.
A few of the Indians were killed in a preliminary skirmish
which preceded the siege of the town. He reported his men
were weak and "the hunger they suffered would not permit
of any delay." The people of Hawikuh defended the walls
with showers of arrows and by hurling rocks at the soldiers
3. Don Garcia must have wanted to make himself and his men look good in
Coronado's report. Castaneda waited 20 years to describe it as a fiasco.
4. Castaneda said some of the men put their saddles on backwards in the excite-
ment.
5. The trumpet sound might have come from bullroarers used by the pilgrims in
the ceremonies.
A CORONADO EPISODE 127
below. Coronado was bruised and cut on the face by a rock
and an arrow pierced his foot.
"But, by the pleasure of God," he wrote, "these Indians
surrendered, and their city was taken with the help of Our
Lord, and a sufficient supply of corn was found there to re-
lieve our necessities."
So while Coronado nursed his food wound, and his men
their numerous cuts and bruises, and relieved the frenzy of
their hunger with captured corn, the pilgrims continued on
to Zuni and danced without interruption in the plazas. After
a night spent in one of the kivas the dancers made the rounds
of the plazas again the next day to conclude the summer sol-
stice ceremonies.
The battle of Hawikuh had been a successful delaying ac-
tion. Actually it was a Zuni victory, for the Spanish never
won anything from it except a few bushels of corn ; and be-
cause of it never were able to establish peace with the Zufiis.
OLD SETTLERS IN OTERO COUNTY
By DAN MCALLISTER*
DID I ever tell you about the time they amputated that old
Apache chief's arm in Alamogordo? Well, Mom helped
the doctor — But first I'd better sketch something of Mom's
pioneer background for you, and of course, Pop's. They were
my foster parents, Henry and Carrie Sutherland, ranchers
of La Luz, Otero County, Territory of New Mexico.
Samuel Henry Sutherland was born in Lawrence, Kansas.
He was a posthumous child, born after his father was killed
in a massacre of Lawrence citizens by the Missouri Redlegs
during the Civil War, or just after.
Mom was born Carrie Findley, in Meadville, Mercer
County, Pennsylvania. When she married Pop they moved
to El Paso, and there Pop drove a span of mules hitched to
a scraper at the Santa Fe grade when that railroad built
west through El Paso. He worked from 6 a. m. to 6 p. m.
for one dollar a day. And he saved money! Later he and
Frank Stuart opened the Pioneer Grocery, first of its kind
in El Paso. They made money hand over fist.
One interesting item: That was absolutely the first
modern (for that day) grocery in El Paso; and meat sold
there was wrapped in paper. Most of the native customers
had never seen wrapping paper. They supposed it must
cost extra. When they came to buy meat they would wear
a "meat ring" — an iron finger ring with a sharp two-inch
hook fixed to it — and they would have Pop hang their steak
or chops or liver on that hook. They carried home their meat
that way, hanging from a meat ring, the flies and dust
notwithstanding.
In 1886, for his health's sake, Pop sold his grocery busi-
ness and moved to La Luz, New Mexico Territory, where
he became a cattleman.
It must have been about then that Grandpa and Grandma
Findley came out from Pennsylvania. Grandpa had been to
*J. D. McAllister, Box 2635, Denver 1, Colo.
128
OLD SETTLERS IN OTERO COUNTY 129
California in the gold rush days but he hadn't found any
gold. Now his health was poor. Grandma was the most re-
sourceful and the most independent person I have ever
known; she developed into the best pioneer of them all. I
must tell you about her some time. She was a great old girl.
Mom's brother was a gambler. Almost everybody in the
Southwest in those days had heard of Eddie Findley the
honest gambler. When luck was against him in a card game
he would sometimes send down his gold-headed cane to the
pawn shop for $500, though it really was not worth more
than a hundred. Always he redeemed his cane. He didn't
feel fully dressed without it. A card-shark, yes, but Uncle
Eddie was one of the kindest of men. When he died of tuber-
culosis in Phoenix about 1905 he had the longest funeral
(horses and buggies) that Phoenix ever saw. Everybody
went. The funeral procession was two miles long. And that's
a fact that can be verified.
Many and scary were Mom's and Pop's experiences dur-
ing their fourteen years of New Mexican frontier life, as I
have often heard them tell.
Often in those wild days the Sutherlands had to abandon
their beds to sleep on pallets in corners of the 'dobe house
where they would be safe from marauders' bullets. The two-
foot 'dobe walls were pretty nearly bulletproof. Sometimes
they propped mattresses inside the windows to stop the
bullets.
Once, during a range war, or as Pop would say, while a
lot of his cattle were being rustled, one formidable cattle
thief in a friendly gesture reached up to shake Pop's hand,
grasped it firmly and pulled Pop out of his saddle to the
ground. Pop's six-shooter fell out of its holster. As he lay
sprawled Pop reached for that gun, but the rustler kicked
it out of his reach. "Oh, no you don't, you sonof abitch !" he
said. Then he planted his bootheel in Pop's face and ground
it in. The imprint remained on Pop's jaw until he died in
1928 or 1929. The rustler was sore at Pop for complaining
to the sheriff about loss of cattle.
For years people in and around La Luz looked to Mom
130 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
for help in sickness and distress. Frequently there would
be no doctor within twenty-five or thirty miles (quite a dis-
tance by horse and wagon or on horseback), and often for
months there was no preacher nearer than Roswell or Las
Cruces. One exception: Father Majone, or Maggione, I am
not sure of the spelling. He was a smallish man, Godly, and
always on the job in Otero County. Mom was not a Catholic,
but she and Father Majone sometimes "collaborated" on
cases.
Mom officiated at births sometimes, she nursed diphtheria
and smallpox and arranged for isolation of such cases, and
she set bones. She comforted the dying. She sometimes helped
lay out the dead and then would preach, or rather just
talk a bit, at their burials. Old Grandma Findley was the
"preacher."
The Spanish people in La Luz called Mom "Santa Cata-
lina." Mom was a good woman with a heart full of the milk
of human kindness, but no one could ever accuse her of being
puffed up about it. Of necessity she learned how to do many
things that had to be done ; and to her, serving people was
just part of frontier life.
La Luz was then 86 miles from the nearest railroad.
Twice a year Pop would make a trip down to El Paso and
haul back a four-horse wagonload of supplies — sugar, flour,
coffee, yardgoods, soap, and other staples. Sometimes we
would run out of those things. For washing soap, at such
times, Mom used amole — a suds-making plant indigenous to
the Southwest and used by the native people for generations.
The brown bark would be scraped off the amole roots and
the white, pithy fiber beaten almost to a pulp. It made excel-
lent soap.
Though Mom was kind-hearted and often substituted for
doctor and minister and even undertaker, she was thor-
oughly self-reliant and courageous. There was the time she
drove a dozen Apache bucks and squaws out of the house
in La Luz. The Indians had come down from the Mescalero
reservation to trade with the whites, as they sometimes did.
They brought old war-clubs, bows and quivers of arrows,
OLD SETTLERS IN OTERO COUNTY 131
beautiful feather headdresses, beaded moccasins, smoked
mescal boles, and quarters of fresh venison to barter for
sugar, lard, coffee, yardgoods, and — if they could get it —
whiskey. Usually the Apaches behaved themselves, but on
this particular day when they found Mom alone at the ranch
house, they crowded up on the back porch, then into the
kitchen, and on into the house. Mom got scared, or mad, or
both maybe. She grabbed up a shotgun and drove the In-
dians out of the house and off the place.
And mountaineers used to come down from the Sacra-
mentos to barter with people around La Luz and Tularosa.
They brought down eggs and butter and wild strawberries
to trade for things they needed. Always they had an abun-
dance of freshly churned butter. They brought it in chunks
about the size of a man's head, wrapped in cloths. It was
unsalted butter, sweet and delicious. The mountain butter-
and-egg men worked up something of a business among us
plains people.
There was no such thing in those days as cellophane or
waxed paper. Cartons were practically unknown in the
plains country. Even ordinary wrapping paper was scarce.
That is why the mountaineers used cloths to wrap their but-
ter. Any kind of cloth that came to hand — pieces of aprons,
bandannas with the color bleached out, perhaps a white
piece of cloth that obviously had been one leg of some demure
mountain lassie's old-fashioned drawers, or the tail of a
man's shirt. In time that mountain dairy product became
known as "shirt-tail butter."
Old Grandma Findley became an even better pioneer
woman than Mom, but her energy was divided mainly be-
tween two activities: her church and missionary work
among the mountaineers, and shooting her trusty 12-gauge
shotgun at skunks, chicken hawks, coyotes, wildcats, and
once or twice at human marauders. Riley Baker, one of the
best sheriffs Otero County ever had, once told Grandma she
was the best man with a scattergun in the County.
Some years later Riley Baker was killed by the Yaquis
in Old Mexico. He and two other expert gunmen had under-
132 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
taken to guide a party of about twenty-five Americans who
went prospecting for gold down in the Yaqui country of Old
Mexico. Now the Yaquis had never been conquered by Span-
iards, Frenchmen, Mexicans, or Americans. They were
courageous fighters, and cunning; and they allowed no
strangers in their domain. Not even the Dictator-President
Porfirio Diaz' rurales even penetrated very far or remained
for long in Yaqui country. But the five and twenty fool-
hardy, gold-crazy Americans would not be deterred. The
Yaquis massacred the entire party.
When searchers found Riley Baker's body it was hang-
ing impaled upon a tree. His eyelids had been cut off so the
blazing sun would burn his eyeballs. Long cactus thorns had
been thrust far under his finger- and toenails. . . . His
whole body had been slashed and beaten. Riley Baker had
suffered a horrible, lingering death by torture.
One evening in January 1896 Colonel Albert J. Fountain
and his 14-year-old son, Henry, spent their last evening on
earth at our house in La Luz. I was too young to know the
score then, but in later years I heard the story told half a
hundred times. Colonel Fountain, as government prosecutor,
was most active in prosecution of cattle thieves in the Terri-
tory. He had just finished his duties in the Lincoln courts
and was on his way to prosecute other cattle rustlers in the
Silver City courts, the story explained.
While the Fountains were eating supper, the mail car-
rier, driving a buckboard with U. S. mail on schedule up
from El Paso via Las Cruces, arrived at our place. This mail
man told Colonel Fountain that he had seen a gang of
mounted men back along the road about ten miles. "I
wouldn't go on tonight, Colonel, if I were you," he said.
Young Henry Fountain spoke up. "Oh, we're not scared,"
he said. "I can drive while Papa shoots." An hour later
Father and Son drove on into the night. They were never
seen again.
Searchers later found Fountain's smashed buckboard
and a bloody ten cent piece, the story said. Nothing more.
Somewhere near or in the White Sands, it is supposed, the
OLD SETTLERS IN OTERO COUNTY 133
Fountains were waylaid, shot to death, and their bodies dis-
posed of so well that to this day, more than fifty-four years
later, they have not been found.
A few days ago, November 27, 1950, an item appeared
in the Denver Post stating that Colonel Fountain's Masonic
pin had been found recently and that a search-party includ-
ing Fountain's grandsons, Arthur Fountain and Henry J.
Fountain, had made a fruitless search of the area where the
pin was found. The party had hoped either to discover skele-
tons or signs of recent digging. The Post story suggests that
the strange disappearance of the two Fountains seems des-
tined to remain one of New Mexico's greatest unsolved
mysteries.
Personally, I am inclined to believe the remains will be
found in the not-too-distant future. Is it not strange that so
small a thing as a lodge pin would be found after all these
years and nothing else be discovered? — something like a
skull and some bones, for instance? Does it not seem that
somebody planted that pin where it would be found, some-
body that hoped the pin would serve as a clue to the burial
spot of two bodies? Perhaps that somebody is a very old
man who wants to get at least that much of the load off his
conscience; or, that somebody could be the son, or even a
grandson, of one of Colonel Fountain's murderers, who
wants to have the mystery solved without incriminating
his parents. The one gesture (planting the Masonic pin)
having failed to lead inquisitors to a solution of the mystery,
it would not be at all surprising if another gesture is made A+
before very long by the same person or persons possessing Jp
knowledge of the Fountain disappearance. What with exten- v
sive government rocket experimentation going on in tto^
White Sands area, droves of tourists driving annually
through the Land of Enchantment, and the usual everyday
movements of residents about the countryside, somebody
some day will undoubtedly find some clue that will lead
searchers to the skeletal remains of Colonel Fountain and
his plucky young son. Barring the possibility, of course,
that the Fountains' murderers may have burned their bodies.
134 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Just before the turn of the century, when the new rail-
road was building up from El Paso northeasterly across the
Territory and on East, a new town sprang to life near a
clump of big cottonwood trees growing between the foot
of the Sacramento Mountains and the White Sands. The new
town was named Alamogordo. Fat Cottonwood, that is, in
Spanish.
A sawmill was erected in the new town. J. A. Eddy and
his brother, president and vice-president of the new E P &
N E railroad, established a freight yard and built a big
roundhouse there. Frank Holland opened up the first drug
store and soda fountain in Otero County, a business that
Henry Sutherland was later to buy a partnership in. Man-
ning's Alamogordo News leaped into print. A grade school
was started. Pierce's Grocery opened, displaying its green
vegetables in open boxes set along the wooden sidewalk.
Every dog in Alamogordo included Pierce's Grocery in its
daily rounds, until one day an item appeared in the News:
"Every citizen of Alamogordo that we have consulted in
the matter has stated definitely, even emphatically, that he
preferred his peas in the plural and not the singular."
Pierce took his boxes of fresh vegetables off the sidewalk
at once.
To haul timber down from the Sacramentos to the
Alamogordo sawmill, the railroad built a spur from La Luz
up into the mountains. Thus originated Cloudcroft, a de-
lightful summer resort. All draughting and planning for
that scenic "corkscrew railroad" was done in our house in
La Luz by Chief Engineer Sumners, of Denver, and his staff.
The little logging road wound up the mountainsides like a
corkscrew, truly. At one spot passengers could look from a
car window down upon five other parallel stretches of track
on the same mountainside. Unique mountain-climbing en-
gines, with a battery of cylinders mounted vertically on one
side and the boiler mounted off-center on the other side for
balance, hauled trains up and down the steep winding
grades of this, the crookedest railroad in the world !
Now Pop owned many water-rights in the part of Otero
OLD SETTLERS IN OTERO COUNTY 135
County; he spoke Spanish; and he knew the country well,
having run cattle over most of it. The new Alamogordo Im-
provement Company offered him a position as interpreter,
buyer of vital water-rights, and general advisor. He sold
off the larger part of the ranch near La Luz and moved with
Mom to Alamogordo. I stayed with Grandma Findley at La
Luz.
But I used to get a wagon ride down to Alamogordo once
in a while, and it was on one of my visits to town that I saw
the old Apache chief get his arm cut off.
It was the Fourth of July. Everybody celebrated. Sev-
eral small bands of Indians rode horseback and on burros
down from the Mescalero Apache reservation to see the
"doin's" in Alamogordo. They got hold of some of the white
man's fire-water. There were fights. The old chief I'm telling
you about had his right forearm horribly mangled by a
shotgun blast. His friends brought the old warrior up to
the doctor's office, the only one in town. It was across the
hall from Mom's flat, upstairs over Frank Holland's drug
store.
There was not a trained nurse in town. The doctor had
heard of Mom's experiences with sick people, and he asked
her to help him. Together they got the patient stretched out
on a table. The chloroform Mom administered to that In-
dian would have put a horse to sleep, but not him! Once,
when they thought the patient was pretty well under, the
doctor, recently from the East, remarked : "He looks like a
tough old hombre. I'll bet he's killed a lot of people in his
time."
"O si, si Senor," said the old Apache slowly. (Oh yes,
yes Sir.) He wasn't out any more than I was, and I was
standing there in the door to the next room watching every-
thing that went on.
Without further delay, then, the doctor went ahead and
cut off the arm below the elbow. He folded flesh back over
the ulna and radius bones and stitched it, and bandaged the
stump well. Mom made a sling of a towel to support the
Indian's elbow.
136 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Though conscious during the entire operation, the
Apache didn't flinch or even grunt. When it was over he
got down off the table, put on his big felt hat over two braids
of black hair that hung down, and walked out. The doctor
had said nothing about pay and the Indian didn't offer any.
At the stairs he turned and went down backwards as he
would have descended a ladder. Never before had he been in
a house with stairs.
Later in the day we saw that old Apache lying in the
shade of a cottonwood. A squaw was seated on the ground
holding the chief's head in her lap. Another was fanning
flies off him with a switch of horse-hair. The towel sling
Mom had made was gone, and the stump was wrapped in
a red bandanna. A little way off another squaw was saddling
up some horses preparatory to their return trip to the
reservation.
CHECKLIST OF NEW MEXICO PUBLICATIONS
By WILMA LOY SHELTON
(Continued)
Messages of the governor to the Territorial and State legis-
latures, 1847-1949.
1847 Governor's message (Donaciano Vigil) delivered to the Senate
and House of Representatives, Santa Fe, N. M., Dec. 6, 1847.
. . . Hovey & Davies, Printers.
First official document of its character following the Ameri-
can occupation.
Broadside 24x40.5 cm.
Text printed in three columns.
1851 Message of His Excellency James S. Calhoun to the First terri-
torial legislature of N. M., June 2d, 1851. (Santa Fe) 1851.
7,7p. (E&S)
Message of His Excellency James S. Calhoun to the First Terri-
torial legislature of New Mexico, Dec. 1, 1851. Santa Fe,
Printed by J. L. Collins and W. G. Kephard, 1851. 8, 8p.
(E&S)
1852 Message of William Carr Lane, Governor of the Territory of
N. M., to the Legislative assembly of the territory, at
Santa Fe, Dec. 7, 1852. Santa Fe, Published at the Gazette
office, 1852. 14p.
1853 First annual message of David Meriwether, governor of the ter-
ritory of New Mexico; delivered to the Legislative assembly,
Dec. 6, 1853. Santa Fe, J. L. Collins, printer, 1853. 13p.
(E&S)
1854 Message of David Meriwether to the Council and House of Repre-
sentatives in Journal of the Hon. Council of the Territory
of N. M., being the second session of the Third Legisla-
tive assembly begun and held in Santa Fe, Dec. 4, 1854.
Santa Fe, Gazette office, 1855, app. p. 169-176.
Messages usually included in House and Senate journals.
1854 Governor Meriwether's special message to the legislature, Dec.
11, 1854.
1855 Message of W. W. H. Davis, acting governor of the territory of
New Mexico, delivered to the legislative assembly, Dec. 3,
1855. Santa Fe, Printed in the Santa Fe Weekly gazette
office, 1855. 12p. (E&S)
1856 Mensaje anual de D. Meriwether, governador del territorio de
137
138 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Nuevo Mejico. Leido Diciembre 2 de 1856 a las dos cameras
de la asamblea legislative. Santa Fe, Imprimido (sic)
en la oficina de la gaceta, 1856. 7p.
1857 Message of His Excellency Governor Rencher delivered to the
legislative assembly of the territory of New Mexico, Dec.
7, 1857. Santa Fe, Printed in the Weekly gazette office, 1857.
8p.
1858 Message of Gov. Rencher to legislature, vetoing act providing
for revision of laws of New Mexico, Feb. 3, 1858. Santa Fe,
1858. lOp.
The annual message of Gov. Rencher delivered before the legis-
lative assembly of the territory of New Mexico, Dec. 8, 1858.
Printed by the Santa Fe gazette co., 1858. 7p. (E&S)
Mensaje especial Enero 4 de 1858. (A. Rencher) 1 leaf
Special message of Gov. Rencher, executive department, Santa
Fe, Dec. 17, 1858. (Santa Fe, 1858) 3p.
A message in answer to a resolution of the assembly, re-
questing information on the state of the war with the nava-
jos.
1859 Special message of Gov. Rencher to legislature, Jan. 15, 1859.
(Santa Fe) 1859.
On military roads.
Special message from Gov. Rencher to legislature, Jan. 22, 1859.
Concerning the palace.
Gov. Rencher's annual message to legislature, Dec. 5, 1859.
1860 The fourth annual message of Gov. Rencher delivered before the
legislative assembly of the territory of New Mexico, Dec. 6,
1860. (Santa Fe, 1860) lip.
Message to the Council and House of representatives, in Journal
of the House of representatives. . . 10th session. . 3d day of
Dec., 1860. Santa Fe, Russell, 1861. p. 11-18.
1861 First annual mesage of Gov. Connelly delivered before the legis-
lative assembly. . . Dec. 4, 1861. Santa Fe, Printed in the
Gazette office, 1861. 13p.
Also in Journal of the House of representatives. . . llth
sess. . . 4th day of Dec., 1861. Santa Fe, O'Brien, 1862.
p. 11-23.
1862 Executive message of His Excellency William F. M. Amy, acting
governor of New Mexico, to the Legislative aassembly of
the territory delivered the 2d day of Dec., 1862. (Santa Fe)
Printed at the Office of the Santa Fe gazette, 1862. 26p.
(E&S)
Also in Journal of the House of representatives. . . 12th
sess. . . 2nd day of Dec., 1862. Santa Fe, Santa Fe gazette
office, 1863. p. 9-34.
CHECKLIST 139
1863 The second annual message of His Excellency Henry Connelly to
the legislative assembly of the territory of New Mexico
delivered Dec. 9, 1863. Santa Fe, Printed at the "New Mexi-
can" office, 1863. lOp.
Also in Journal of the House of representatives. . . 13th
sess. . . Santa Fe, Tucker, 1864. p. 11-53.
1864 The third annual message of Gov. Connelly delivered before the
legislative assembly of the territory of New Mexico Dec. 6,
1864. Santa Fe, Printed at the Office of the Weekly gazette,
1864. 18p.
Also in Journal of the House of representatives. . . 14th
sess. . . 7th day of Dec., 1864. p. 13-31.
1865 The fourth annual message of Governor Connelly to the legis-
lative assembly of New Mexico delivered Dec. 6, 1865. Santa
Fe, Manderfield and Tucker, printer, Office of the "New
Mexican," 1865. 31p. (E&S)
Also in Journal of the House of representatives. . . 15th
sess. ... 6th day of Dec., 1865. Santa Fe, Manderfield &
Tucker, 1866, p. 16-45.
1866 The second annual message of acting governor Arny to the
legislative assembly of New Mexico delivered Dec., 1866.
Santa Fe, Manderfield and Tucker, public printers, Office of
the "New Mexican" (1866) 40p.
Valedictory address of Gov. Henry Connelly and the inaugural
of Gov. Robert B. Mitchell delivered in front of the palace
Monday July 16, 1866. Santa Fe, Printed at the Office of
the Weekly gazette, 1866. 7p.
1867 The first annual message of Gov. Robert B. Mitchell delivered be-
fore the legislative assembly Dec. 3, 1867. (Santa Fe, 1867)
31p.
Also in Legislative council journal 17th sess. Santa Fe,
Manderfield & Tucker, 1868. app. p. 5-28, House journal
p. 21-55.
1868 The second annual message of governor Robert B. Mitchell de-
livered before the legislative assembly of the territory of
New Mexico Dec., 1868. Santa Fe, Printed at the office of
the Weekly gazette, 1868. 28p.
Also in House journal, 1868. Santa Fe, Manderfield &
Tucker, 1869. p. 19-48.
1869 The first annual message of His Excellency Wm. A. Pile to the
legislature of New Mexico Dec. 8, 1869. Published by the
order of the legislature. Santa Fe, Manderfield & Tucker,
public printers, 1869. 15p.
1871 First annual message of Governor Giddings to the legislative
140 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
assembly of the territory of New Mexico. Dec. 1871. Santa
Fe, A. P. Sullivan, public printer, 1871. 54p.
1873 Message of Governor Marsh Giddings to the legislative assembly
of New Mexico, Dec., 1873. Santa Fe, Manderfield & Tucker,
public printers, 1873. 46p.
Also in Journal of the Legislative council 1873/74. app. 46p.
1875 Message of Governor Samuel B. Axtell to the legislative assem-
bly of New Mexico, Twenty second session. Santa Fe, Man-
derfield & Tucker, public printers New Mexican office, (1875)
16p.
1878 Message of Governor Samuel B. Axtell to the legislative assem-
bly of New Mexico, 23rd session. Santa Fe, Manderfield &
Tucker, public printer (1878) 16p. (E&S)
also in Journals of the Council and House . . . 23rd sess.
and the Rules of order of the legislative council of the 23rd
legislative assembly.
1880 Message of Governor Lewis Wallace to the legislative assem-
bly. . . 24th session. Santa Fe, 1880.
1882 Message of Governor Lionel A. Sheldon to the legislature of New
Mexico at its session commencing, Jan. 2, 1882. Santa Fe,
Charles W. Greene, public printer, 1882. 20p. (E&S)
1884 Message of Lionel A. Sheldon, governor of New Mexico, deliv-
ered to the 26th legislative assembly, Feb. 19, 1884. Santa
Fe, New Mexico printing co., 1884. 16p.
1886 Governor's (Edmund G. Ross) message to the Council and House
of representatives of the 27th legislative assembly. . . Las
Vegas, 1887. 26p.
1889 Governor's messages to the Council and House of representa-
tives of the 28th legislative assembly of the territory of New
Mexico. Santa Fe, New Mexican printing co., 1889. 83p.
1890 Message of Gov. L. Bradford Prince to the twenty-ninth legisla-
tive assembly of New Mexico, Dec. 30, 1890. Santa Fe, New
Mexican printing co., 1891. 43p. (E&S)
1892 Message of governor L. Bradford Prince to the thirtieth legisla-
tive assembly of New Mexico, Dec. 28, 1892. Santa Fe, New
Mexican printing co., 1892. 38p. (E&S)
1894 Message of Governor William T. Thornton to the thirty-first
legislative assembly of New Mexico, Dec. 31, 1894. Santa Fe,
New Mexican printing co., 1895. 26p. (E&S)
1897 Message of Governor William T. Thornton to the 32nd legislative
assembly of New Mexico, Jan. 18, 1897. Santa Fe, New Mex-
ican printing co., 1897. 25p. (E&S)
1899 Message of Gov. Miguel A. Otero to the 33d legislative assembly
CHECKLIST 141
of New Mexico, Jan. 16, 1899. Santa Fe, New Mexican
printing co., 1899. 14p. (E&S)
1901 Message of Gov. Miguel A. Otero to the 34th legislative assembly
of New Mexico, Jan. 21, 1901. Albuquerque, Democrat pub.
co., 1901. 13p. (E&S)
1903 Message of Miguel A. Otero, governor of New Mexico, to the
35th legislative assembly of New Mexico, Jan. 19, 1903.
Santa Fe, New Mexican printing co., 1903. 32p. (E&S)
1905 Message of Miguel A. Otero, governor of New Mexico, to the
36th legislative assembly, Jan. 16, 1905. Santa Fe, New Mex-
ican printing co., 1905. 36p. (E&S)
1907 Message of Gov. Herbert J. Hagerman to the 37th legislative
assembly of New Mexico, Jan. 21, 1907. Santa Fe, New
Mexican printing co., 1907. 52p. (E&S)
1909 Message of George Curry, governor of New Mexico, to the 38th
legislative assembly, Jan. 18, 1909. Santa Fe, New Mexican
printing co., 1909. 36p.
1912 Message of William C. McDonald, governor of New Mexico, to
the first state legislature, March 12, 1912. Santa Fe, New
Mexican printing co., 1912. 38p. (E&S)
1913 Message of William C. McDonald, governor of New Mexico, to
the first state legislature, second session, Jan. 15, 1913.
Santa Fe (1913) 37p. (E&S)
Special message of the governor, 1st legislature, second session,
state of New Mexico, transmitting special report of the
attorney general of New Mexico relative to the state
boundary cases and exhibits in connection therewith. Re-
ceived from the governor of New Mexico Feb. 20, 1913;
ordered printed, referred to judiciary committee, n.p.n.d.
37p.
Special message of the governor, 1st legislature, 2nd session,
state of New Mexico, transmitting a memorial relative to
indebtedness for gun sheds incurred by citizens of Roswell,
together with such memorials and exhibits of representa-
tives from the governor, Feb. 20, 1913; ordered printed and
referred to the finance committee, n.p.n.d. 20p.
1915 Message of William C. McDonald, governor of New Mexico, to
the second state legislature, Jan. 13, 1915. Santa Fe, New
Mexican printing co., 1915. 24p. (E&S)
1917 Message of E. C. DeBaca, governor of New Mexico, to the third
state legislature, Jan. 10, 1917. Santa Fe, New Mexican
printing co., (1917) 18p. (E&S)
Message of W. E. Lindsay, governor of New Mexico, to the third
state legislature, May 1, 1917. Santa Fe, 1917. 6p. (E&S)
142 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
1919 Message of O. A. Larrazola, governor of New Mexico, to the
fourth state legislature, Jan. 15, 1919. Santa Fe, 1919. 26p.
1921 Inaugural address of Hon. Merritt C. Mechem, fifth state gov-
ernor of New Mexico. Santa Fe, 1921. (3) p.
Also in a volume of Reports of the N. M. Special revenue
commission.
Message of Hon. Merritt C. Mechem, governor of New Mexico,
to the fifth legislative assembly, Jan. 12, 1921. (Santa Fe,
1921) (3)p.
Also in a volume of Reports of the N. M. Special revenue
commission.
1923 Inaugural address of Hon. J. F. Hinkle, sixth state governor of
New Mexico, delivered at Santa Fe, Jan. 1, 1923. Santa Fe
(1923) (5)p.
Message of Hon. J. F. Hinkle, governor of New Mexico, to the
sixth legislative assembly, Jan. 10, 1923. Santa Fe, Santa
Fe New Mexican pub. corporation (1923) 9p. (E&S)
1925 Message of Hon. A. T. Hannett, governor of New Mexico, to the
seventh legislative assembly, Santa Fe, Jan. 13, 1925. Santa
Fe, (1925) 8p.
1927 Message of Richard C. Dillon, governor of New Mexico, to the
eighth state legislature, Jan. 11, 1927. (Santa Fe, 1927) (3)p.
Special message no. 1 of Richard C. Dillon, governor of New
Mexico, to the eighth state legislature, Feb. 23, 1927. (Santa
Fe, 1927) 2p.
1929 Message of Richard C. Dillon, governor of New Mexico, to the
ninth state legislature, Jan. 8, 1929. (Santa Fe, 1929)
(6)p.
1931 Inaugural address and legislative message of Gov. Arthur Selig-
man of the state of New Mexico, Jan. 1931. (Santa Fe, 1931)
17p.
1933 Message of Gov. Arthur Seligman to the eleventh legislature of
the state of New Mexico, Jan. 11, 1933. (Santa Fe, 1933) 13p.
1934 Message of Gov. A. W. Hockenhull to the eleventh state legisla-
ture convened in special session at Santa Fe, April 9, 1934.
(Santa Fe, 1934) (8)p.
1935 Inaugural address and legislative message of Gov. Clyde Tingley
of the state of New Mexico, Jan., 1935. (Santa Fe, 1935)
18p.
1936 Governor's message to special session of the twelfth legislature.
(Santa Fe, 1936) 4p. mimeo.
1937 Inaugural address and legislative message of Gov. Clyde Tingley
of the state of New Mexico, Jan. 1937. (Santa Fe) 1937
CHECKLIST 143
Special message from Gov. Clyde Tingley to the thirteenth
state legislature of New Mexico, 1937. (Santa Fe, 1937)
(5)p.
1938 Message of Gov. Clyde Tingley to the thirteenth state legislature.
. . convened in extraordinary session as delivered in joint
session of the House of representatives and the Senate on
Aug. 22, 1938. 6p. mimeo.
1939 Inaugural address and legislative message of Gov. John E. Miles
of the state of New Mexico, Jan. 1939. (Santa Fe, 1939)
1941 Inaugural address and legislative message of Gov. John E.
Miles of the state of New Mexico, Jan. 1941. (Santa Fe,
1941) (13)p.
1943 Inaugural address and legislative message of Gov. John J.
Dempsey of the state of New Mexico, Jan. 1943. (Santa
Fe, 1943) (16)p.
1943 Text of the address of Gov. John J. Dempsey before a joint
meeting of the House and Senate on Feb. 4, 1943. (Santa
Fe, 1943) 7p.
Governor urges passage of so-called tobacco tax.
1945 Inaugural address and legislative message of Gov. John J.
Dempsey, state of New Mexico, Jan. 1945. (Santa Fe, 1945)
1947 Inaugural address and legislative message of Gov. Thomas J.
Mabry, Jan. 1947 (Santa Fe, 1947) (18) p.
1949 Inauguration of Hon. Thomas J. Mabry, nineteenth governor of
the state of New Mexico, Jan. 1, 1949. (Santa Fe, 1949)
(H)p.
Second inaugural address and message to the 19th legislature,
by the Hon. Thomas J. Mabry, governor of the state of New
Mexico, Jan. 1949. (Santa Fe, 1949) (27) p.
Governor. Message. Appendix.
33rd Legislative Assembly. Jan. 16, 1899 (E&S)
Contents: — Report of the territorial auditor. — Report of the terri-
torial treasurer. — Report of commission of irrigation and water
rights. — Solicitor general. — Adjutant general. — Territorial li-
brarian. — Territorial superintendent of public instruction. — Cattle
sanitary board. — Exposition commissioners report. — Bureau of
immigration. — Historical society of New Mexico. — Coal oil in-
spector. — Board of pharmacy. — Capitol rebuilding board. — Bien-
nial report New Mexico penitentiary. — School for the deaf and
blind. — New Mexico military institute. — University of New Mex-
144 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
ico. — Normal school at Las Vegas. — College of agriculture and
mechanical arts. — New Mexico insane asylum.
34th Legislative Assembly. Jan. 21, 1901 (E&S)
Contents: — Report of the territorial treasurer from Dec. 3, 1898, to
Dec. 1, 1900. — Report of the territorial auditor from Dec. 5, 1898,
to Dec. 1, 1900. — Report of the territorial secretary from Dec. 31,
1898, to Dec. 31, 1900. — First annual report of the commissioner
of public lands of New Mexico, Dec. 31, 1900. — Report of the com-
missioner of irrigation, Dec. 15, 1900. — Report of the solicitor
general from Dec. 27, 1898, to Dec. 27, 1900. — Report of the super-
intendent of public instruction for the years 1899-1900. — Report of
the territorial librarian, 1901. — Report of the Cattle sanitary
board, for the year 1900. — Dec. 15, 1900. — Report of the Bureau of
immigration, for 1899 and 1900. — Report of the Board of equali-
zation.— Report of the penitentiary commissioners, for the 50th
and 51st fiscal years. — Report of the trustees of the Deaf and
dumb asylum, Dec. 3, 1900. — Third biennial report of the Board
of regents of the New Mexico military institute, Dec. 31, 1900. —
Report of the regents of the University of New Mexico, Dec. 1,
1900. — Report of the Board of regents of the New Mexico normal
university, Dec. 31, 1900. — Report of the regents of the normal
school of New Mexico, Dec. 13, 1900. — Report of the New Mexico
college of agriculture and mechanic arts, Dec. 26, 1900. — Report
of the directors of the insane asylum, Dec. 17, 1900. — Report of
the New Mexico school of mines, Jan. 12, 1900. — Reports of char-
itable institutions: Annual report — St. Vincent hospital, fiftieth
fiscal year ending Dec. 2, 1899. Annual report St. Vincent orphan
school, Mar. 4, 1899 to Dec. 4, 1900. — Fifty-first fiscal year, St.
Vincent orphanage, Eddy county hospital, 1900. — Judiciary reports.
35th Legislative Assembly, Jan. 19, 1903. (E&S)
Contents: — Report of the territorial treasurer, for the year ending
Nov. 30, 1902. — Report of the territorial auditor, for the years
1901-1902. — Report of the solicitor general Dec. 27, 1900, to Dec.
27, 1902. — Report of the U. S. land commission, Dec. 15, 1902. —
Third annual report of the commissioner of public lands of New
Mexico, Dec. 31, 1902. — Report of the board of equalization, for
the two years ending Nov. 30, 1902. — Report of the irrigation com-
mission, for the year ending Nov. 30, 1902. — Biennial report of
the Bureau of immigration, for the two years ending Nov. 30,
1902. — Report of the Board of penitentiary commissioners, for
the 52nd and 53rd fiscal years. — Report of the Louisiana purchase
CHECKLIST 145
exposition managers, to Jan. 1, 1903. — Report of the adjutant
general, for the year ending Dec. 31, 1902. — Report of the terri-
torial librarian, for the year ending Nov. 30, 1902. — Report of
the secretary of the territory, for the two years ending Dec. 31,
1902. — Report of territorial coal oil inspector, for the year end-
ing Dec. 31, 1902. — Report of the cattle sanitary board, for the
year ending Nov. 30, 1902. — Report of the Sheep sanitary board,
from Dec. 15, 1901, to Dec. 1, 1902. — Report of the Board of
health, from Dec. 1, 1901, to Dec. 30, 1902. — Report of the Board
of pharmacy, for the year ending Nov. 30, 1902. — Report of the
superintendent of public instruction, for the scholastic year end-
ing Oct. 1, 1902. — Report of the University of New Mexico, for
the year 1902. — Report of the New Mexico normal university,
for the year ending Nov. 30, 1902. — Report of the regents of
Normal school, for the year ending Nov. 30, 1902. — Report of the
New Mexico military institute, for the year ending Nov. 30, 1902.
— Report of the school of mines, from Nov. 30, 1901, to Nov. 30,
1902. — Thirteenth annual report of the New Mexico college of
agriculture and mechanic arts, for the year ending Nov. 30, 1902.
— Report of the Asylum for the deaf and dumb, from Dec. 1, 1900
to Nov. 30, 1902. — Report of the New Mexico insane asylum, from
Dec. 1, 1901, to Nov. 30, 1902. — Report of Capitol custodian com-
mittee, Nov. 30, 1902. — Report of the Historical society.
36th Legislative Assembly. 1905. (E&S)
Contents: — Report of the territorial treasurer, for the two years
ending Nov. 30, 1904. — Report of the territorial auditor, for the
years 1903-1904. — Report of the solicitor general, Dec. 27, 1902,
to Dec. 27, 1904. — Report of the U. S. land commissioner, Nov.
30, 1904. — Fifth annual report of the Commissioner of public
lands, for the year 1904. — Report of the Board of equalization,
for the two years ending Nov. 30, 1904. — Report of the Irrigation
commission, for the two years ending Nov. 30, 1904. — Biennial
report of the Bureau of immigration, for the two years ending
Nov. 30, 1904. — Report of the Board of penitentiary commission-
ers, for the two years ending Nov. 30, 1904. — Report of the
Louisiana purchase exposition managers, to Dec. 31, 1904. — Re-
port of the adjutant general, for the two years ending Dec. 31,
1904. — Report of the territorial librarian, for the two years end-
ing Dec. 31, 1904. — Report of the secretary of the territory, for
the two years ending Dec. 31, 1904. — Report of the traveling audi-
tor, for the two years ending Nov. 30, 1904. — Report of the Cattle
sanitary board, from July 1, 1904-Nov. 30, 1904. — Report of the
Sheep sanitary board, for the two years ending Nov. 30, 1904. —
146 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Report of the New Mexico boards of health, for the two years
ending Dec. 5, 1904. — Report of the Board of pharmacy, Nov. 30,
1904. — Report of the superintendent of public instruction, for the
scholastic year ending Oct. 1, 1904. — Report of the University of
New Mexico, for the two years ending Nov. 30, 1904. — Report of
the New Mexico normal university, for the two years ending Nov.
30, 1904. — Report of the regents of normal school, for 1903-1904.
— Report of the New Mexico college of agriculture and mechanic
arts, Dec. 1, 1904. — Report of the Asylum for the deaf and dumb,
for the two years ending Nov. 30, 1904. — Report of the Capitol
custodian committee, for the two years ending Nov. 30, 1904. —
Biennial report of the historical society of New Mexico, Dec. 1,
1904. — Report of the Department of game and fish, for the two
years ending Dec. 1, 1904. — Report of the Board of dental exam-
iners, for 1903-1904. — Report of the Institute for the blind, for
the two years ending Nov. 30, 1904. — Report of the Miners' hos-
pital, for the two years ending Nov. 30, 1904. — Report of the
Reform school, Dec. 1, 6, 1904. — Report of the Orphan school, for
the two years ending Dec. 1, 1904. — Report of the Albuquerque
armory board of control, Dec. 1, 1904. — Report of the Las Vegas
armory board of control, Dec. 1, 1904. — Report of St. Vincent's
hospital and orphanage, for the two years ending Nov. 30, 1904. —
Report of the Grant county charity hospital, for the two years
ending Dec. 1, 1904. — Report of the St. Joseph's hospital, for the
two years ending Dec. 1, 1904. — Report of the Ladies hospital,
for the two years ending Dec. 1, 1904. — Report of the Ladies relief
society, for the two years ending Dec. 1, 1904. — Report of the St.
Joseph sanitarium, for the two years ending Dec. 1, 1904. — Report
of the Gallup hospital, for the two years ending Dec. 1, 1904. —
Memorial of the Educational association of New Mexico.
37th Legislative Assembly. Jan. 21, 1907. (E&S)
Contents: — Report of the treasurer of the territory, for the two
years ending Nov. 30, 1906. — Report of the auditor of the terri-
tory, for the two years ending Nov. 30, 1906. — Report of the
traveling auditor, for the fiscal year ending Nov. 30, 1906. — Bi-
ennial report of the attorney general, 1905-1906. — Report of the
Board of penitentiary commissioners to the governor, for the 56th
and 57th fiscal years, commencing Dec. 1, 1904, and ending Nov.
30, 1906, including the Report of the superintendent, Arthur Trel-
ford. — 16th Annual report of the superintendent of public instruc-
tion to the governor, Dec., 1906. — Sixth annual report of the com-
missioner of public lands, Dec. 31, 1905. — Seventh annual report
of the commissioner of public lands, Dec. 1, 1906. — Report of the
secretary of the territory for the two years ending Dec. 31, 1906.
CHECKLIST 147
— Report of the adjutant general, for the two years ending Dec.
31, 1906. — Report of the fish and game warden, for the two years
ending Dec. 18, 1907. — Report of the coal oil inspector, for the
year ending Dec. 31, 1906. — Report of the superintendent of insur-
ance, for the year ending Dec. 31, 1906. — Report of the irrigation
engineer, for the two years ending Jan. 1, 1907. — Report of the
public printer, from Mar. 1, 1905, to Dec. 1, 1906. — Report of the
mounted police, from Apr. 1, 1905, to Dec. 31, 1906. — Report of
the artesian well supervisor, Dec. 31, 1906. — Report of the terri-
torial librarian, for the two years ending Dec. 31, 1906. — Report
of the Sheep sanitary board, for the fiscal year ending Nov. 30,
1906. — Report of the Cattle sanitary board, for the two years
ending Nov. 30, 1906. — Report of the New Mexico board of
health, for the two years ending Jan. 1, 1907. — Report of the
Board of dental examiners, for the two years ending Jan. 1, 1907.
— Report of the Board of pharmacy, from July 11, 1904, to Jan.
14, 1907, inclusive. — Biennial report of the Bureau of immigration
of the territory, for the two years ending Nov. 30, 1906. — Report
of the Capitol custodian committee, for the fiscal year ending Nov.
30, 1906. — Report of the Board of control, for the two years end-
ing Dec. 31, 1906. — Report of the University of New Mexico, for
the two years ending Nov. 30, 1906. — Report of the New Mexico
college of agriculture and mechanic arts, for the two years ending
Nov. 30, 1906. — Report of the Normal university, for the two
years ending Nov. 30, 1906. — Report of the Normal school, for the
fiscal year ending Nov. 30, 1906. — Report of the Military institute
for the fiscal year ending Nov. 30, 1906. — Report of the School of
mines, for the fiscal year ending Nov. 30, 1906. — Report of the
Insane asylum, for the fiscal year ending Nov. 30, 1906. — Report
of the Deaf and dumb asylum, for the fiscal year ending Nov. 30,
1906. — Report of the Institute for the blind, for the fiscal year
ending Nov. 30, 1906. — Report of the Orphan children's home,
for the two years ending Nov. 30, 1906. — Report of the Board of
osteopathy, for the fiscal year ending Nov. 30, 1906. — Report of
the St. Vincent's hospital and orphanage, for the two years end-
ing Nov. 30, 1906. — Report of the Grant county hospital, from
Jan. 1, 1905, to Jan. 1, 1906. — Report of the St. Joseph's hospital,
for the two years ending Nov. 5, 1906. — Report of the Ladies
hospital, for the two years ending Nov. 30, 1906. — Report of the
Eddy county hospital, for the two years ending Nov. 30, 1906. —
Report of the Ladies' society, for the two years ending Nov. 30,
1906. — Report of the St. Joseph's hospital, for the two years
ending Nov. 30, 1906. — Report of the Gallup hospital, for the
fiscal year ending Nov. 30, 1906. — Biennial report of the Board
of optometry, for the fiscal year ending Nov. 30, 1906.
(To be continued)
Notes and Documents
GALLUP Jan. 26 (AP) — J. Wesley Huff, managing editor of the Gal-
lup Independent and former Associated Press writer, died yesterday at
the age of 40.
He had been in ill health since he came to New Mexico from New
York in 1939, but his death came suddenly in St. Mary's Hospital
shortly after he had been placed in an oxygen tent.
Huff was the first New Mexico newspaperman to receive the coveted
Shaffer award for reporting in 1944. He won the honor for a story re-
porting a courtroom shooting at the murder trial of Pete Talamante in
Gallup.
He was editor of the Hobbs News-Sun before moving to Gallup
seven years ago. He had studied at Colgate University and the Pulitzer
College of Journalism at Columbia University. In 1935 he joined the
Associated Press in Philadelphia. He worked for the Associated Press
in Albuquerque and Santa Fe after coming west for his health.
He is survived by his widow and daughter, Betsy, and his mother,
Mrs. J. W. Huff, Sr.f of Elmira, N. Y.
*At the close of the Civil War, the Federal Government
turned its attention to the solution of problems which had
been under consideration before the war but which had of
necessity received scant notice during- the great sectional
conflict. One of the most puzzling and pressing of these mat-
ters was the question of how best to establish a satisfactory
policy toward the Indians west of the Mississippi where ex-
ploring and settling whites had disturbed their old ways of
life.
To this end, on March 3, 1865, a joint congressional com-
mittee was selected to make a personal inspection with the
aim of discovering the true condition of the tribes. James
Rood Doolittle, Senator from Wisconsin, Chairman of the
Senate Committee on Indian Affairs, was chosen to head the
commission.
The following letter is an unofficial account of the trip
by Doolittle and his party. It was written sixteen years later
by Doolittle to Foster's widow at her request. The original
* This letter was prepared for publication by Clarissa P. Fuller -who received
the doctorate at the University of New Mexico in June, 1950.
148
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 149
letter is in the collection of Doolittle papers in the archives
of the Wisconsin Historical Society at Madison. A photo-
static copy of the letter is in the possession of the Library of
the University of New Mexico.
James Rood Doolittle had a long and vigorous career as
judge, statesman, and educator throughout the greater part
of the 19th century (1815-1897). Born and reared in a
Democratic family, he was charmed into the newly formed
Republican party in 1856 by its expression of principles
which he found to his liking. He was elected Republican sen-
ator from Wisconsin in 1857. A close friend of Lincoln,
Doolittle later became a strong advocate of Johnsonian poli-
cies which he championed in a very outspoken manner, be-
lieving that Johnson followed what would have been the
Lincoln path. Doolittle's course at this time amounted to
committing political suicide in the Republican party. His
career in Washington, therefore, terminated when the Radi-
cal elements of the Republican party gained control.1
Residence Racine,
Wisconsin
Chicago, March 7th, 1881
Mrs. L. F. S. Foster,
Dear Madam,
I most cheerfully respond to your request to give you, from per-
sonal recollection, some account of a trip to New Mexico, and Colorado
in the summer of 1865, made before any railway had crossed the
Missouri River, by your late lamented husband, the Hon. Ross of Illi-
nois, and myself, as members of a Joint Special Committee of the two
Houses of Congress, under the Joint Resolution of March 3, 1865 —
directing an inquiry into the Condition of the Indian Tribes and their
treatment by the Civil and Military authorities of the United States.
In doing so, however, I shall not undertake to give a history of
the labors of the Committee in taking testimony for the information
of Congress, — which will all be found in our report to the Senate, of
January 26, 1867,2 and in the Appendix, making a limited volume of
more than 500 pages, but shall confine myself mainly to the personal
incidents of our journey which I doubt not you would be better pleased
to know.
1. The story of the later career of Doolittle can be found in the Dictionary of
American Biography.
2. Condition of the Indian Tribes. Senate Report 166, 39th Congress, 2nd session,
Washington, Government Printing Office, 1867.
150 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
You recollect that Mr. Lincoln's assassination, in April, 1865,
after our committee was raised, had made Mr. Foster de facto Vice
President,3 and, therefore, although I, as chairman of the Senate Com-
mittee on Indian Affairs, had been selected as chairman of the joint
commission to do the work, we all resolved to bring him to the front,
in all our interviews with the Indians, not as the great father himself,
but as the one who stood nearest in that relation to the dependent
Indian Tribes.
To our subdivision4 of the [illegible] committee was assigned the
duty of inquiring into Indian Affairs in the state of Kansas, the Indian
Territory, Colorado, New Mexico and Utah.
Being in a state of War with the Cheyenne and Arrappahoes on
the plains of Kansas and Eastern Colorado, and with the Apaches and
Navajoes, in New Mexico, a small military escort under Genl McCook
was assigned by the War Department to attend the Committee, and
assist them in the discharge of their duties.
It was, as I have already said before any railways were con-
structed west of the Missouri river and the place of rendezvous and
of departure was fixed at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas. Genl McCook
who was familiar with the route had all things in readiness including
tents, camp equipage and horses for the Committee to ride. The mem-
bers of the Committee were permitted to select horses for themselves
from a large number. Mr. Foster selected a beautiful light chestnut;
Mr. Ross a large fine, bay stallion; I preferred a dark brown — almost
black, with strong compact body, short limbs, bright courageous eye
and small clean cut ear. In this selection, I was very fortunate as my
horse was the only one of all selected by our party which was able to
endure the whole journey to New Mexico and back again to Fort
Leavenworth.
Sometime in June, the exact date I do not now remember, we set
out upon our journey, at the rate of about 25 miles per day. The
weather was delightful; the air from the mountains over the plains of
Kansas pure and invigorating. We struck our tents very early in the
morning and made but one march without halting. We made about 25
miles, and then pitched our tents for the night, generally about 3 or
4 P. M. near some watering place. No one could possibly enjoy the
horseback rides from about 6 to 11 o'clock in the morning before the
8. In 1864, at the time of President Lincoln's assassination, Foster was President
pro tempore of the Senate. When Johnson became President of the United States, the
office of Vice President was vacant. Under the law of 1792, it was provided that the
President pro tempore, if there was such, should succeed to the office of President of
the United States if the offices of both President and Vice President were vacant. In
the Doolittle letter, Foster is constantly referred to as the Vice President. Dr. Wesley
Gewehr, University of Maryland, suggests that the only justification for referring to
Mr. Foster as the Vice President lay in the possibility that he might become President.
For a detailed account of Foster, see the Dictionary of American Biography.
4. Senators Doolittle, Foster, and Representative Ross of Illinois.
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 151
sun became very hot and oppressive more than did Mr. Foster. His
horse had a very lively and spirited gate, and he was always at the
front, full of humor, enjoying and making others enjoy every moment.
We had been about two weeks on our journey before anything of
special interest occurred. All at once, about 10 o'clock in the morning
an immense herd of Buffaloes appeared in sight about half a mile in
front of us. All being mounted, instantly armed themselves with car-
bines and Navy Revolvers and pushed forward at all possible speed: —
not to throw themselves across the route of the advancing herd, for
they would have been overwhelmed horses and riders, — had they done
so, but to strike them in their rear, and upon their flank.
Into this wild and dangerous sport Mr. Foster entered with all
enthusiasm. A large Buffalo Bull was singled out. He was fired upon
and wounded severely. But he turned upon his pursuers whose horses
were greatly frightened and turned back towards our train of teams
and soldiers for safety, — the old bull slowly pursuing. As he appeared
upon the crest of rising ground the foremost span of mules caught
sight of the gigantic beast. Like a streak of lightening, they whirled
around and ran at the top of their speed, down the sloping prairie
for nearly half a mile, — upsetting the wagon, and scattering every-
thing upon the ground. Then followed such a panic among mules and
such cursing and swearing among mule-drivers as none can imagine
who never was present on such an occasion. A fortunate shot from a
Remington carbine, at last, brought down the huge and infuriated
beast, and peace and tranquility reigned once more through the whole
camp.
My son, Col. A. O. Doolittle,5 who with another young man, had
followed the herd still further, wounded another of the largest size.
He turned suddenly and rushed at the horse of his companion. The
horse frightened at his appearance, sprang from under him — throwing
him upon the ground. The enraged animal plunged forward towards
him while prostrate upon the ground. At the instant, just in time to
save him, my son, from a Remington carbine fired a shot into the
beast just behind his shoulder. The ball pierced his heart and he
dropped dead, within a few feet of the young man. He dropped with
such force as to plunge his nose into the ground. It was with the
greatest possible difficulty that both of them, with all their strength,
could move his head, so as to secure the tongue of the animal, which
is regarded as one of the greatest delicacies by the victorious hunter
upon the plains.
During all this excitement of the chase and of the panic among the
mules of our train Mr. Foster enjoyed himself immensely. His wit
and humor and merry glee were flowing in a continual stream.
5. Anson O. Doolittle who served in the Wisconsin infantry during the Civil
War. He attained the rank of Brevet Colonel and resigned from the service Septem-
ber 7, 1864.
152 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
For more than two weeks we were inarching over the plains of
Kansas encamping generally on the banks of the Arkansas before we
sighted Fort Lyon in the neighborhood of the Sand Creek Massacre : —
of which much testimony was taken by our committee as appears in
the appendix to our report above referred to.
Arriving at Fort Lyons, we determined not only to take the testi-
mony of our officers but to go with them over the battle ground. It
hardly deserves the name of a battle for it was little less than a
treacherous surprise, in their tents, of women and children who sup-
posed they were under the protection of our own troops. It was in fact
a wholesale massacre of women and children. We ourselves picked up
the skulls of infants whose milk teeth had not been shed: — perforated
with pistol or rifle shots, and the sworn accounts given of the scalping
and mutilating of women and children, by white men under Col.
Chivington show that while it may be hard to make an Indian into a
civilized white man, it is not so difficult a thing to make white men into
Indian savages.
Traveling by rail now at 30 miles an hour over the plains of Kan-
sas in palace cars, is a very different thing from traveling then on
horseback or in wagons drawn by mules, only 25 miles in twenty four
hours; and one can well understand how monotonous the plains of
Kansas and Colorado became to us long before we reached Fort Bent,
the point where we crossed the Arkansas river, on our way to New
Mexico, and the real joy we felt in crossing. When at length we reached
the line of New Mexico many a shout and cheer went up with an
occasional apostrophe, — now in prose and now in rhyme — now to the
enormous territories we had just traveled through and now to the
greater one we were just entering.
In passing southwesterly into New Mexico we crossed the Raton
range of the Rocky Mountains, over into the valley of the Cimmaron
River. Here we encamped and stayed over Sunday at the famous
Maxwell's Ranch. People generally have no idea of the enormous
amount of territory — embracing mountains and valleys — mines and
wheatfields contained in this Ranch. It was an old Spanish grant
bounded by mountain ranges; embracing probably a territory nearly
as large as the whole of Rhode Island.
Grain is raised there only by irrigation; and the Cimmaron river
was used for that purpose by Maxwell ; who had under him more than
250 New Mexicans, raising grain and attending upon his flocks of
sheep, and herds of cattle and horses.
Here we had the pleasure of seeing for the first time the use of
the "Lasso" in capturing a wild horse in a herd of more than five
hundred. The lasso was thrown by Maxwell, himself, who, although an
American had become as expert in its use as a Mexican.
In the form of a "slipper noose" the lasso is thrown over the head
and around the throat and drawn so tightly and held so firmly that
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 153
the poor beast is actually choked until he falls to the ground. Then he
is blindfolded and held down until a rope bridle is placed in his mouth
and then he is allowed to rise. But the choking and falling and blind-
folding in a very few minutes does much to stem if not subdue the
animal. While still blindfolded a saddle is fastened upon him and a
young Mexican is mounted. With a strong rope around the body of the
animal and over the knees of his rider (but in such a way that in case
of danger he can unloose his limbs at pleasure) , the rider was fastened
as securely upon his back as the saddle itself. When fairly seated and
fastened the blindfold is taken off, and then the wild horse realizes his
situation. Such pitching and rearing, such jumping and plunging to
unhorse his rider you can hardly conceive.
In this particular case after vainly trying to throw his rider for
five or ten minutes, the horse suddenly plunged into the Cimarron River
where the water was full breast high.
But the rider would not dismount. There sat the cool, intrepid,
inevitable Mexican. After cooling his sides in the stream for it maybe
five minutes the horse suddenly came out of the river and started upon
a full run down a road upon its banks for a mile and a half. The
Mexican instead of checking him, pushed him at the top of his speed by
the free use of a whip until the horse, panting and almost exhausted,
was glad enough to relax his gait, and came down to a walk. In less
than an hour this wild horse was completely tamed ; and he came back
quiet as a kitten. Anyone could lead him anywhere and the young girls
who had witnessed the performance of the Mexican Rory upon
this wild young horse came out with blankets and umbrellas and shook
them at him but they had no more effect in frightening him than if he
had been an old dray horse. You can well imagine how much Mr. Foster
enjoyed a scene like that, so novel and interesting to us all.
From Maxwell's Ranch we passed down Southwest to Fort Union
where we stayed over for a day or two. Upon resuming our march,
passing down on the right side of a valley through which one of the
small branches of the Canadian river flows, we had not proceeded many
miles when suddenly we came to a halt; and the important announce-
ment was made by Gen'l McCook that a whole band of the Mescalero
Apaches had just been captured by a company of our soldiers, and was
then en route to Fort Union.
Here was, upon the face of things, an important event, and one
which our committee could not overlook. Gen'l McCook who besides
being a good soldier was a very good actor, and spoke the Spanish
language, determined to introduce the chiefs and warriors of the
captive tribe who understood a little Spanish, to the Committee, and
especially to the Vice President of the United States, in becoming
style. So everything was put in the very best order to produce the
most profound impression upon the savages. A messenger was sent
forward with orders to the officer in command of our victorious troops
154 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
to bring the captives across the valley to the place where we were
halted to receive them.
The warriors, about 40 in number, were on foot. The women with
their children, blankets and other worldly goods, were mounted upon
ponies. They approached. The tall chief, dressed in deer skin with
all his paint and feathers on, came up in grand style; and with a
certain dignity and grace. He, of course, was the first to be intro-
duced to that high officer who stood second only to the great father,
himself, in the estimation of all the Indian tribes.
Gen'l McCook in his high style, and best Spanish made a little
speech and then introduced the head chief of the Mescaleros to the
Vice President. Imagine our astonishment when instead of taking Mr.
Foster's right hand as he extended it to him, the tall chief walked
directly up to him, in front, and true Spanish style threw his long
arms around and embraced him; — warmly, strongly embraced him, I
might say literally "hugged" him, ejaculating in Spanish "Bueno!
Bueno!" [pronounced wano]. Then followed the lesser chiefs and war-
riors one by one, until each had given him the same earnest embrace.
As the last one left him, Mr. Foster breathed deeper, and freer,
thinking the thing at last was over ; but in this he was sadly mistaken
for the real agony was yet to come. Soon as the men had finished, the
women began to dismount and one after the other in the same style
and with the same words of welcome gave him the same earnest
embraces. As they were not as tall as the men, their painted faces came
against the breast and collar of his coat, which, like Joseph's became
a coat of many colors, long before the grand ceremony was over.
When with becoming fortitude and patience he had borne all this
grand introduction to an Indian tribe, he quietly suggested that per-
haps the other members of the Committee would like to go through the
same ceremony; — which they as quietly declined suggesting that one
such ceremony was all sufficient to establish friendly relations with
the captives.
That day we marched on to Las Vegas. Even then it was known,
but far more widely now, for its delicious warm baths, baths which
beyond any other I have seen soften and purify the skin.
If ever a human being took delight in stripping off his clothing
and getting into a delicious warm bath it was Mr. Foster after that
day's entertainment and investigation of Indian Affairs.
From Las Vegas we pursued our way southward towards the
Bosque Redondo situated on the Pecos river — being a reservation of
40 miles square, upon which our troops had placed about 7000 Navajoes
prisoners, captured the year before by Col. Kit Carson.6
On our way at one of our encampments we captured a large
6. See Frank D. Reeve, "Federal Indian Policy in New Mexico, 1858-1880," NEW
MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW, vol. 12, p. 218 and voL IS.
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 155
Tarantula. In form it was like a huge black spider. His body was as
large as a good sized butter plate while his legs and tentacles were
at least a full inch in length. To make sure of him we placed him in a
large tin cup, and placed a plate over it. But the sight of that dreadful
creature, whose bite is almost certain death, and the consciousness
that he was still alive and in our tent made all sleep impossible for
Mr. Foster, and we struck a light and despatched the monster as a
fitting sacrifice to the God of Sleep.
On our way to the Bosque we encamped another night near some
Alkaline Lakes. The water was so clear and beautiful that Mr. Foster
and myself were tempted to bathe. They were very strong in alkaline
properties. The effect upon me was considerable. Upon Mr. Foster the
effect was still more severe. In fact it brought on a fever, lasting him
nearly a week; and keeping him confined to his bed most of the time
we spent at the Bosque.
Most fortunately, however, we there found Capt. Gary, an old
friend of Mr. Foster and with his nursing and the best of medical
attendance, he was soon on his feet as well as before; and yet this
short sickness made him all the more anxious to return home, and
was in fact one of the reasons which cut short our trip to Utah.
After closing our labors at the Bosque Redondo, having taken
a large amount of testimony there we proceeded northwesterly by the
usual marches to the old City of Santa Fe. There for the first time in
our lives, we witnessed a Mexican Fandango where men and women
of all shades and colors meet and mingle and dance together upon a
footing of perfect social equality.
Having taken considerable testimony there, as to the causes which
led to the wars with the Navajoes, we passed northward up the Rio
Grande into the Park and thence, by Fort Garland and the Huerfano
pass over the Rocky Mountains whose highest peaks were covered
with eternal snows into the valley of the Arkansas. We passed over
the mountains on horseback. The scenery was grand and imposing; —
beyond anything I saw in Switzerland. Of course, all this was a source
of intense enjoyment to Mr. Foster : — awakening in him the deepest
enthusiasm. Exhilerated by the sight, a touch of high poetic sentiment
would occasionally find impromptu expression, or, bring out most apt
quotations. I wish for your sake I could give you his words. But
sixteen years have come and gone since we were riding there together;
and while his words have faded from memory their sweetness and
fragrance cling to it still.
I must not forget to mention on our way to Fort Garland we made
a visit to the famous Kit Carson. Knowing him as a bear-hunter and
Indian fighter you can hardly imagine the impression which this most
modest and unassuming man with a voice almost feminine in accent
and expression made upon us. We staid over night in his hospitable
home near Taos. In the evening Mr. Foster drew him out and he told
156 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
in modest style a few of the most remarkable incidents of his wonder-
ful life, none more interesting than his account of his escape from
the clutches and jaws of a great grizzly bear.
He had wounded him. The bear was so near to him that he could
not reload his rifle. He was compelled to drop it and to climb a tree
to escape from the infuriated beast. His description of the manner in
which the bear undertook to tear down the tree; — the gnashing of
his teeth; his terrible growls at him as he remained for long hours in
the tree above his reach; the deep agony, almost in which he waited
for the beast to leave him, and the joy he felt when at last he did
leave him was intensely interesting; and it passed far into the small
hours of the morning before we retired to bed.
On our way we passed in sight of Pikes Peak. We entered the
place which Col. Fremont named the Garden of the Gods. There we
drank of the mineral waters and what was more practical still our
cook took with him a canteen filled from the Soda Spring with which,
the next morning he made us some most excellent soda biscuits.
We soon reached Denver, the Capital of Colorado. There a grand
reception was tendered to us by Governor Evans and the citizens of
Colorado. It was given at the Opera House. Mr. Foster was called upon
for a speech, Mr. Ross also. In their happiest vein they responded and
spoke of the pleasures of our trip, leaving to me as chairman of the
committee, to speak on the troublesome Indian question. In thus leaving
me to bear that burden alone, I always more than half suspected Mr.
Foster remembered the occasion when I left him to bear alone the whole
shock of the introduction to the tribe of Apaches, and that he got
more than even with me for his was a reception of captive Indians; —
mine was a reception by white men in a time of fierce excitement. In
that very Opera House, Col. Chivington, a few months before, having
returned from the Sand Creek Massacre, had publicly exhibited to
excited thousands the scalps they had taken as the trophies of victory.
It was no easy task for me to present the true Indian policy of
the government in that place, and to hundreds of the same men who
celebrated with Col. Chivington his victory and triumphs. Indeed it
threatened to prove a very stormy time. Of course I shall not attempt
to give you an account of the speech made by me. But representing as
we did the United States we could not quail before the excited people
of Denver and shrink from speaking the truth on that occasion. One
incident I will relate which served as the basis or text for the greater
part of that speech.
When I had referred in a cool and matter of fact way to the occa-
sion of conflict between the whites and Indians, growing out of the
decrease of the Buffalo and the increase of the herds of cattle upon the
plains of Kansas and Colorado and said: the question had arisen
whether we should place the Indians upon reservations and teach them
to raise cattle and corn and to support themselves or whether we
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 157
should exterminate them, there suddenly arose such a shout as is never
heard unless upon some battle field; — a shout almost loud enough to
raise the roof of the Opera House. — "Exterminate them! Exterminate
them!"
That was the occasion; — the text, I may say of the main part of
my speech, at Denver: — a speech which Mr. Foster and Mr. Ross said
was as good as any they had ever heard from me in the Senate. One
thing is certain I was fully aroused. My only regret is: Murphy was
not there to take it down just as it was uttered. It was a full and frank
discussion of the Indian Problem and in the face of an audience where
hundreds and thousands perhaps were not well inclined to do justice
to the Indians.
While in Colorado we were invited to go in a buggy to Georgetown
and Central City to examine the deepest gold mine then worked in
that territory. We had a delightful ride up among the mountains. We
then descended into the Black Hawk Mine to the depth of about 350
feet. We descended by ladders. But we ascended in the great bucket
in which the ores were lifted to the surface. That was the deepest
point in the bowels of the earth into which we had now descended, and
in coming out again to the upper air Mr. Foster quietly remarked he
was fully satisfied with his visit below and did not care to go down into
another.
While absent from Denver, on this visit to Central City about
four days, a remarkable incident occurred near Denver. Upon a sandy
Island in the Platte river an enterprising farmer was raising a most
bountiful crop. He could do that upon that Island without irrigation : —
sufficient moisture from the river passing through the land. The value
of his growing crop was estimated at $10,000. It was in beautiful and
luxuriant condition when we started on our trip to Central City. When
we returned it was wholly destroyed. A cloud of grasshoppers or
locusts had come down upon his Island farm and in two days devoured
every green thing. Though the sun shown through the clearest of skies,
yet when we looked up into the deep deep blue vault between us and
the sun we could see myriads of these insects as high as the eye could
reach flying over the mountains like far off clouds in the sky.
From Denver after renouncing our trip to Utah where the Indians
were all at peace with us, we resolved to return by stage over the
plains — a trip of five days and nights to reach the Hannibal & St. Joe
railway on the Missouri river. Accordingly we chartered a coach for
four of us, — Mr. Foster, Mr. Ross and myself and my son who acted
as clerk for our committee.
We arranged the coach for sleeping at night by placing boards
lengthwise across the three seats inside; and by placing a straw
mattress upon them, so that three could sleep inside while the fourth
had a straw mattress placed on top of the coach and with a broad
158 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
leather strap the sleeper of the upper deck was securely lashed on top
of the mattress.
As myself and son were the two youngest of the party and of the
toughest build we alternately slept on deck: — he sleeping there three
nights and I sleeping there only two on our journey. The weather was
fine. The sky was clear and the sleeping on top of the coach, lashed
down to the bed, was not such a great trial after all.
We got on very nicely. The only incident of special interest was
that one morning upon our way we halted at a ranch for breakfast and
there we found the body of a young man just killed with an Indian
arrow piercing him to the heart, — the body was still warm. This inci-
dent let me assure you gave us all some twinges of apprehension as to
what "might have been." But we continued on our journey in safety
till we reached the great engine of modern civilization the railway at
St. Jo. That brought us back again to our home life.
I have thus as rapidly as possible and as briefly as I could given
you the main personal incidents of our trip to the Territories.
With sincere regards, I remain, as ever,
Yours,
J. R. Doolittle.
The following documents were preserved by Juan
Geronimo Torres, once a resident of Sabinal, New Mexico,
and are now in the possession of Edward E. Torres, prin-
cipal of the junior high school at Socorro. Mr. Torres has
presented photostatic copies to Rodgers Library at New
Mexico Highlands University.
My translation has benefitted from assistance received
by comparison with a translation prepared by Mr. Torres
as part of his graduate studies and by consultation with
Dr. Luis E. Aviles, Head of the Department of Modern For-
eign Languages at New Mexico Highlands University. How-
ever, I assume the responsibility for this translation.*
The documents have been organized in three series. The
first may be entitled The Personal Interests of Juan
Geronimo Torres; the second group presents Some Laws
and Legal Proceedings of the Mexican Period; and the third
series deals with The Building of a Church at Sabinal, 1821
to 1831.
The first series follows.
* Dr. Lynn I. Perrigo, Head Department of History and Social Sciences, New
Mexico Highlands University.
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS
159
THE PERSONAL INTERESTS OF JUAN GERONIMO TORRES
Review of Militia
Mayoralty of Belen
November 4, 1819
List and true copy of the review overseen by me, Captain Com-
mander Don Antonio Chaves, of the officers and other members of
which this squadron is composed on the day carried out.
Classifications Names
3rd Co. of the 2nd Squadron
Lieutenant
Don Juan Geronimo Torres
Second Lt.
Don Juan Jesus Chaves
Sergeants
Francisco Chaves
Rafael Baca
Corporals
Jose Antonio Pino
Manuel Pino
Carbineers
Antonio Jose Torres
Bison Sais
Soldiers
Vicente Xaraurio
Francisco Padia
Antonio Barela
Pablo Torres
Juan Miguel Santillanes
Juan Trujillo
Antonio Gorge
Jose Antonio Garcia
Estevan Santillanes
Francisco Serna
Juan Jose Martin Baca
Jose Manuel Garcia
Antonio Gurule
Juan Antonio Trujillo
Don Juan Francisco Baca
Juan Silba
Vicente Silba
8
S*
2
00
8 !
£
c
£
e
i 2
3
0)
<S (
5 *•
O
J P
5 <
p
1
15
1
p
1
15
1
p
1
15
1
p
1
15
1
p
1
15
1
p
1
15
1
p
1
15
1
\
p
1
15
0
p
0
0
1 <*i 25
p
1
15
0
p
1
15
0
p
0
0
1 1 25
p
0
0
1 1 25
p
1
15
0
p
1
15
0
p
1
15
0
p
1
15
0
p
0
0
1 1 25
p
1
15
0
p
0
0
1 1 25
p
1
15
1
p
1
15
1
p
1
15
1
p
0
0
0 1 25
p
1
15
1
->
P
160
NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Dionisio Silba
Hermenegildo Montolla
Lorenso Padia
Diego Antonio Abeita
Juaquin [sic'] Padia, 2nd
Ramon Montoya
Pablo Gallego
Antonio Jose Chaves
Bartolome Romero
Juan Jose Ribas
Juan Montolla
Juan Ribas
Miguel Perca
Rafel [sic] Ribera
Jose Antonio Gutierrez
Antonio Montolla
Antonio Carrillo
Manuel Xaramillo
Jose Gamboa
Felipe Padia
Antonio Jofola
Antonio Jose Maldonado
Carlos Romero
Marcos Baca
Lorenso Salas
Summary
Lieutenant 1
2nd Lieutenant 1
Sergeants 2
Corporals 2
Carbineers 2
Soldiers 42
Total .. .. 50
p
1
15
1
p
1
15
1
p
1
15
1
p
1
15
1
p
1
15
1
p
1
15
1
p
0
0
1 1
p
1
15
1
p
1
15
1
p
1
15
0
p
1
15
p
1
15
1
p
1
15
1
p
1
15
1
p
1
15
1
p
1
15
1
p
1
15
1
p
1
15
1
p
1
15
1
p
1
15
1
p
1
15
1
p
1
15
1
p
1
15
1
p
1
15
1
p
1
15
1
25
Antonio Chaves
Appointment of Mayor's Deputy at Sabinal, 1819
Don Miguel Aragon, Alcalde Mayor of the jurisdiction of Belem,
its districts and frontiers, in behalf of Sir Don Pedro Maria de
Allende y Saabedra, Graduate Lieutenant of Cavalry and Captain of
the Royal Garrison of San Carlos of the Province of New Viscaya,
and Governor and neighbor of New Mexico —
Since I have had the resignation of Don Lorenzo Salas from the
office of political deputy of the village of Sabinal and consider desir-
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 161
able, for the good administration of justice, to name a person of
merit and conduct, equally combined with circumstances of valor,
disinterest and zeal, and these coinciding in the person of Don Juan
Geronimo Torres, therefore I elect and appoint him in the name of
His Majesty (Whom God May Protect) for such deputy of the Alcalde
Mayor of the said village and its districts and confer on him the
same powers which are bestowed upon me, in order that he may deal
with the cases and matters which may arise, civil and criminal, prose-
cuting them until passing judgment, and next that he may give me
an account in order for me to determine what may be wise by a
similar order for all of the existing and resident citizens of the dis-
trict; that those arriving and leaving may hear and respect said
deputy of the Alcalde Mayor, and may they obey and keep his oral
and written orders under penalty of which the rebellious and disobedi-
ent may be severely punished accordingly. This power I give to the
appointed Don Juan Geronimo Torres in order that he may raise
the emblem of justice, and I order him to exercise great zeal that
those of his district may be instructed in the rudiments of Our Holy
Catholic Faith, guarding carefully likewise the greatest glory of
God and punishing severely the public and scandalous sinners, and
I order the Deputy to give painstaking care that he demand a survey
of his respective region where enemies might invade should the cir-
cumstances allow it, and that immediately upon receipt of his title
he shall notify the aforesaid resigned Deputy of this district in order
to place him in the position of his new appointment with good public
notice through all parts of the neighborhood by the town crier so
that none may be in ignorance. Likewise I order the retired Deputy
to cooperate with his influence and good example in behalf of good
administration for the citizens in order that the titled Deputy of this
commission may have no great prejudice arise against him.
Done in this village of Valencia on the Twenty-fourth day of
February of eighteen hundred nineteen, I certify
Miguel Aragon
Sale of Merchandise
Don Juan Geronimo Torres offers for sale on the account of Don
Pedro Armendaris the following goods:
A S. O Pesos Reals
10 pieces of wool, at 10 reals a yard @271/^ p 275. 0
32 fine printed cottons, 2 and %
yards each @ 4 p. 128. 0
24 Native mufflers @ 4 p. 96. 0
1 piece fine lace edging, 12 yds. 60. 0
2 same, nankeen at 1 peso per yd. 11 p. 22. 0
1 same, white cotton, 20 yds. 32. 4
49 yards flannel @ 4 p. 196. 0
162 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
5 reams paper, 25 pieces for 9 reals
@20 p. 2 r. 101.
2
10 dozen hunting knives at 5 reals each
@ 7% p. doz. 75.
0
1000 needles at 70 per half
6.
2
60 playing cards
@ 4 r. 30.
0
408 yards ribbon, water marked
@ 2% r.yd. 127.
4
4 muslin gowns, embroidered
@20 p. 80.
0
150 yards English chintz
@ 12 r.yd. 225.
0
150 same, from Barcelona
@ 19 r.yd. 281.
2
12 madras handkerchiefs
@ 12 r. 18.
0
12 scissors
@ 4 r. 6.
0
40 yards muslin, embroidered
@ 20 r yd. 100.
0
50 veils, black ornaments
@ 1 p. 50.
0
60 Chinese combs
@ 2 r. 15.
0
1 piece wide ribbon of 33 yards
@ 1 p. 33.
0
2 same, narrow of 33 yards
@ 6 r. yd. 49.
4
Total
1967.
2
Santa Fe, December 18, 1820
Armendaris
Sale of Land Near Belen, 1818, 1828
In this post of Valencia on the eighth day of the month of June
in the year eighteen hundred eighteen, for lack of a Royal notary
public in this entire province, before me, Don Miguel Aragon, Alcalde
Mayor of the jurisdiction of Belen, its districts and frontiers, with
power to act; before me Jose Antonio Quintana and Carlos Gavaldon
have made the requisite presentation for themselves, the first resident
of the community of Sevilleta and the second of the ranchitos of the
same community, whom I certify I know, and the aforementioned
Jose Antonio Quintana said he was giving and in effect transferring
in royal sale to said Carlos Gavaldon the title to land which belongs
to him by grant in the said site of Sevilleta on both banks of the
river, for the price and sum of one team of oxen and two cows with
calves which come to one hundred pesos in the current coin of the
land, which said Gavaldon confers upon him in turn, received with
his full satisfaction and endorsement, with his amount paid and
satisfied so that this may be honored as the fair price, that if it be
valued at more or could be valued in excess he will have it free by
grant pure, perfect, irrevocable, which the law describes as inter-
vibos, in order that he may enjoy possession for himself, his marriage-
able children and successors without the possibility that there might
be put upon it some demand by the said seller nor any of his people,
and that if in case it might be, they may not be heard in judgment
nor lawsuit for it; moreover that he waives now and forever and
forever to the present all and as many laws as may speak in his
favor, that none may be of value, and it is submitted now to the royal
justices of His Majesty in order that they may compel and oblige
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 163
him by all of the strictness of the law to fulfillment of this contract,
whose testimony executes it so that it serves as the title, and he may
take and takes possession of said title to the land, and that he may
keep it in his possession as his safety and security ; and they did
not sign it because he said they said they did not know how, therefore
I, said Alcalde Mayor, may sign it with the testimony of my witnesses,
for whom I certify —
Miguel Aragon
(Witness) Mariano Montoya
(Witness) Francico [sic] Maldonado
In this town of Santa Maria de Belen on the Fifth of April of
eighteen hundred twenty-eight — before me, Official Alcalde of this
town, were presented Don Juan Geronimo Torres and Carlos Gaval-
don, the first a citizen of Sabinal and the second of the vale of
Sebilleta, for whom I certify, and whom I know, and Gavaldon said
that he transferred and turned over to Torres the attached deed with
all of the rights and privileges which were accrued, to said Torres,
giving him the deed which was executed by Jose Antonio Quintana,
for the same price that it cost, and with this the aforesaid Gavaldon
remains without any right by said transfer by which he [Torres]
will have the lands in full formality. This before me and entreating
me that I might place all of the judicial authority in order that it
may have full force, and I said that I place it in effect to the extent
that is conferred upon me, with testimony of witness, for whom
I certify —
Antonio Jose Chaves
Witness ;
Jose Patricio Baca
Gregorio Arteaga
Commission as Lieutenant of Militia
The respectable municipal government of Santa Maria de Belen,
dependent of this territory of New Mexico:
In compliance with Article 21 of the Provincial Ordinance for
the Civil Militia there have been elected by the individuals of the
company of seventy men, formed in this jurisdiction, by a strong
plurality of those assembled before this municipal government, for
Lieutenant of the same company, the citizen Don Juan Geronimo
Torres, whose election is proclaimed by the action of the president
of this community; consequently we order that all of the persons
enlisted in this group in order to form the aforesaid company in this
town of Belen may find and have the citizen, Don Juan Geronimo
Torres as lieutenant, reserving for him the preeminent honors to
which he is entitled by the rule of law of the matter discussed, which
164 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
carries for the inducted lieutenant the obligation to take an oath
before the respective commanding officer, as provided in Article 35.
Done in the town-house of the municipal government of Santa
Maria de Belen on the 25th day of the month of October of 1826.
First, third, and second.
Antonio Chaves y Aragon
Commander of the Said Company
Commission as lieutenant of the civil militia in behalf of Don Juan
Geronimo Torres.
(To be continued)
Book Reviews
Land of the Conquistador es. Cleve Hallenbeck. Caldwell,
Idaho : The Caxton Printers, 1950. Pp. 375. Illus. $5.00.
While little, if anything, is added to present knowledge
of New Mexico history in this ambitious compilation, Hallen-
beck's work is a welcome resume of data gleaned from the
published research of such dependable and scholarly his-
torians as Bolton, Hackett, Scholes, Bloom, and others. Per-
haps sufficient credit is not given to the late Lansing Bloom,
whose careful and thorough research in Seville and other
European archives and libraries made available to scholars
much of the lately acquired information regarding former
gaps in New Mexico's annals, by means of microfilm now
stored in the Library of the University of New Mexico and
of the Museum of New Mexico. As the author states in his
Foreword : "To date no other unbroken history of the state
has been written, because the period 1608 to 1680 was almost
entirely blank — the so-called 'silent years' of the state's
annals." Referring again to the Foreword, the author was
unaware that the New Mexico Archives, transferred at one
time to the Library of Congress, have been restored to the
vaults of the Museum of New Mexico and the New Mexico
Historical Society. Some readers might find fault with the
classification adopted by Hallenbeck for New Mexico inhab-
itants as Spaniards, mestizos, Spanish Americans, New
Mexicans, and "Anglos," only the last named being desig-
nated as "white" citizens of the United States. The author
died in February, 1949, and therefore did not have available
to him late publications such as Bolton's Coronado and the
Turquoise Trail or the historical sketches of present-day
author Fray Angelico Chavez and other Catholic writers.
The book opens with a sketchy treatment of the Indian
tribes when they apparently occupied different sections of
the Southwest in early days. This is followed by a chapter
entitled "The Conquistadores," beginning, as do most if not
all New Mexico histories, with the wanderings of Cabeza de
165
166 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Vaca and his three companions. The author is among those
who believe that they made a detour far into New Mexico.
Friar Marcos de Niza is branded a charlatan, impostor, and
unmitigated liar, the author completely ignoring the pleas
of apologists and defenders of the friar, from Bandelier to
Fray Angelico.
Chapter 3 is devoted to "The Seventeenth Century," be-
ginning with Juan de Onate, the colonizer, up to and includ-
ing the reconquest by de Vargas. The Eighteenth Century
chapter, starting with the administration of Pedro Rodri-
guez Cubero, lists the governors up to Fernando Chacon and
tells much of the strife between the Franciscans and the
secular authorities which began as early as the days of
Onate. Hallenbeck states: "One of Onate's demands which
was disallowed, was that religious orders other than the
Franciscans be permitted to engage in missionary activities
in New Mexico. This request, if granted, would have pre-
vented most of the turmoil that marked the seventeenth
century in this province. ..." A few pages later: "The
Pueblo Indians thus found themselves with two masters who
continually were at loggerheads. The situation was rendered
worse by the fact that the Church was represented in New
Mexico by only one of the mendicant orders — the Order of
Friars Minor, popularly known as the Franciscans." These
conclusions of the author must be taken as mere opinions not
entirely borne out by facts. Indian warfare and the west-
ward march of the French colored much of New Mexico's
history in the Eighteenth Century. Writes Hallenbeck:
"Spain's activity on this northern frontier was directed
chiefly toward two objects: (1) the repulse of the French
advance, and (2) the protection of the settlements from
hostile tribes that encompassed New Mexico on the west,
north and east." However, much else occurred as the admin-
istrations of successive governors are covered more or less
briefly, climaxed by the administration of Juan Bautista
de Anza, to whom, according to the author, the following
tasks were assigned : (1) to lay out a more direct route from
Santa Fe to Sonora, (2) to dissolve the alliance between the
BOOK REVIEWS 167
Apaches and the Navajos, (3) to form an alliance with the
Comanches, (4) to consolidate the scattered settlements
of the province, and (5) to save the Moquis from extinction.
Chaper 5, "The Nineteenth Century," brings New Mexico
history up to the American Occupation, a few paragraphs in
conclusion merely referring to the years that followed up to
the granting of statehood to the Territory.
Hallenbeck adds chapters "dealing intimately with the
life of the colonial New Mexico," depending upon Benavides,
Vetancourt, Morfi, and Barreiro, upon traditions and the
early visitors over the Santa Fe Trail. There are separate
chapters on Government, the Missions, Population, Indus-
tries, Commerce, Colonial Life, the Spaniard and the Indian,
and The New Mexico Camino Real, the longest and most
informative, perhaps, being the chapter on commerce.
The illustrations are from drawings by the author done
rather stiffly with pen and ink. Maps and plats aid the
reader to follow the sequence of the narrative. The book is
one deserving a place on the library shelf of everyone
interested in New Mexico history.
PAUL A. F. WALTER
Santa Fe, New Mexico
Bird's-Eye View of the Pueblos. Stanley A. Stubbs. Norman :
University of Oklahoma Press, 1950. Pp. ix, 122. $3.00.
This small volume represents a compilation which should
have been made years ago. No library concerned with South-
western subjects can be complete without its inclusion.
Following a general discussion and illustration of ground
plans of prehistoric Pueblo villages, and a brief description
of Pueblo Indian life, the author systematically lists all of
the currently occupied Pueblos of the Southwest. Each 'is
illustrated by means of a vertical aerial photograph and a
scaled map. Each room is shown and the number of stories
of construction indicated. Kivas and abandoned rooms are
designated, as are the missions. After completion of the air
photographs, the author visited each village in order to
168 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
establish a scale for the accompanying map and to orient the
ground plan in relation to north.
This record of the villages of a rapidly changing people
is particularly valuable because of the inclusion of tabulated
information such as the etymology of the village name,
linguistic affiliations, approximate date of founding, the
census of population, size of reservation and the date of the
annual feast day and dance. It is for this reason that no
serious visitor to the Pueblo villages should be without a
copy.
Accompanying the photographs, maps and tabulations
are brief and soundly authoritative discussions of each
Pueblo, its pottery, basketry, silverwork and other handi-
crafts, together with salient points concerning the history
of the people. These contribute so much that one might
wish they had been more extended. With justification Stubbs
also emphasizes the rapidity of change or alteration of the
ground plans. This circumstance may well make us speculate
on the enhanced value of this record one hundred years
from now.
The insignificance of the errors found certainly reflects
the high validity of the book. The single kiva at Sandia is
referred to as being plural in the text (page 34) , the square
kivas of the Rio Grande towns should not have been called
rectangular (for this confuses them with the Little Colorado
rectangular kivas) , and a comma is misplaced on page 71.
The only other possible bone of contention has to do with
the date of changes in the Pueblos as a result of Spanish
re-conquest. This date is usually given as 1692 rather than
1693.
One interesting point bears on an old, old argument.
Stubbs lists Acoma as having been occupied "at least one
thousand years" and Old Oraibi as having been occupied
"since about 1150." However, the author conservatively
states that "only by archaeological excavation in the refuse
mounds of Acoma and Old Oraibi can the title of oldest
continuously occupied town in the United States be settled."
And such excavation is, of course, impossible at this time.
BOOK REVIEWS 169
In addition to the accuracy and high value of this excel-
lent account, the author has achieved the goal of making
what might have been a mere tabulation into genuinely
interesting reading. Although written in clear and popular
form for the layman, the book will see extensive use for
many years by the anthropologist.
PAUL REITER
University of New Mexico
Grant of Kingdom. Harvey Fergusson. New York : William
Morrow and Company, 1950. Pp. vi, 311. $3.00.
A reviewer of Harvey Fergusson's latest novel could sit
down with it and a copy of W. A. Keleher's Maxwell Land
Grant and occupy himself delightedly in seeking answers to
such questions as whether or not the "grant" in question is
the famous Maxwell Land Grant ; to what extent the fictional
Jean Ballard is Lucien B. Maxwell; whether or not Clay
Tighe is in reality Jim Masterson, the law enforcement
officer brought in by the grant people to quiet the dispos-
sessed ; to what degree Daniel Laird, preacher, is a fictional
development of the Reverend 0. P. McMains of Raton, fiery
leader of the anti-grant faction ; or who the fictional Major
Arnold Newton Blore is supposed to be.
Such an exercise, however, would be of little profit to
the lover of history or of fiction. A piece of historical fiction
is not to be judged by any criterion of conformity to the
known facts of character, era, or region, however sparse
or abundant the known facts may be. The historical novelist
seeks to catch the spirit, the feeling, the flavor of character,
era, or place, not merely to get in as many known facts as
possible. He is interested in "the process by which the past
becomes a beloved myth," to use Harvey Fergusson's own
words. He is interested in nostalgia, in the desire of any
human being, as he looks at a place where life was once
lived, to repeople that place, to vivify its incidents, to drama-
tize it and romanticize it and put some kind of understand-
able pattern upon it.
170 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Harvey Fergusson started, he says, with the ruins of
an old house ; and he goes on from there to tell the fascinat-
ing story of an Eastern woodsman who came to the West,
became a mountain man, fell in love with a woman of
Spanish descent whose family had a royal Spanish grant,
married her, and accepted the challenge to move east out
of the mountains around Taos on to the Plains to settle and
establish there law, order, and civilization. Here is the basic
Robinson Crusoe fictional pattern that will still appeal
mightily to any reader with an iota of love of freedom and
tangible accomplishment left in him. The only difference is
that there is abundance here that Crusoe never dreamt of.
The one-man empire flourishes; only age and physical dis-
ability— and the march of history — defeat Jean Ballard.
Land-hungry America swarms in, corporate interests gobble
up Ballard's holding, nesters and settlers not very well
versed in the intricacies of law and surveying are dispos-
sessed, mainly through the iron nerve of a former Kansas
officer who represents the new interests. An old-fashioned
preacher-prophet with some of the primitive strength of
Moses resists the new forces, but fails and goes back into
the mountains and into the Spanish- American villages along
the Rio Grande.
The Maxwell Land Grant locale is not the only one Mr.
Fergusson writes convincingly about. Jean Ballard's life
in the old Eastern wilderness, an axman's life like that of
young Abraham Lincoln; the life in Virginia before and
just after the Civil War, which Arnold Blore knew he had
to leave; the raw life in the Kansas cattle-shipping towns;
the life of the Western trappers and mountain men — Mr.
Fergusson, in building characters' backgrounds, handles all
these briefly but with the novelist's sense of what is mean-
ingful and what is not.
It is perhaps a bit difficult to tell how seriously one should
take the clue to the pattern of the book that the author him-
self gives. In his "Foreword" Mr. Fergusson writes, "Here
were the benevolent autocrat creating order, the power-
hungry egoist destroying it, the warrior tragically bound to
BOOK REVIEWS 171
his weapon, the idealist always in conflict with an irrational
world, struggling to save his own integrity." Whether or
not this story and this situation really have much in common
with or throw any light upon "the great power struggles
that periodically shake the world" [Fergusson's own words
again], here are people that are convincing, working out a
destiny in a region that called out the heroic and the dra-
matic. Above all, here is a portion of history in a beloved
region made into a "beloved myth." These yesterdays in the
American West were not many days ago, and Harvey Fer-
gusson makes it seem tragic to have lost them.
DUDLEY WYNN
University of Colorado
Cowboys and Cattle Kings. C. L. Sonnichsen. Norman : Uni-
versity of Oklahoma Press, 1950. Pp. 316. $4.50.
This is a shotgun kind of book. Mr. Sonnichsen knows a
great many people in, or associated with, the livestock in-
dustry. He crams these into both barrels of his ten gauge
Greener and lets drive.
The title, "Cowboys and Cattle Kings," seems a little
misleading and the subtitle, "Life on the Range Today,"
comes nearer to describing the contents of the book. To be
sure there are cowboys present and at least one cattle king,
but there are also sheepherders, sheepmen, stock farmers
and a dairyman or so. Perhaps a better title for the book
would be : A Good, Fair Picture of How Men Get Along With
Cows, and the subtitle might read, And How They Look, Act,
and Talk While Doing It.
Anyone who wants the above, circa 1950, should have
Cowboys and Cattle Kings. Anyone who wishes to preserve
his illusions as depicted by Roy Rogers, Gene Autry, et al,
should leave it alone. Because the movies won't buy this one.
What horses there are ride in trailers and pick-up trucks,
the way horses ride. The people pack few guns, lock their
doors when they go to town, and otherwise act as reasonable
citizens. Never a one says, "They went that-a-way," and
only two or three are cow thieves.
172 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Indeed, at first reading it seemed that Mr. Sonnichsen
was on a debunking expedition, but reflection shows that
this was not the case. The author had something on his mind
and this appears to be that while times change and people
change with them, Western people remain Western people.
Just doing things differently, that's all.
Pleasant reading.
BENNETT FOSTER
Albuquerque, N. M.
Revista Interamericana de Bibliografia: Review of Inter-
American Bibliography. Washington: Pan American
Union, 1951.
This quarterly replaces Lea, which has been discontinued.
It should become a useful supplement to other literature on
Latin American and American countries. It will not, how-
ever, replace professional journals devoted exclusively to
Hispanic American states. For example, the Hispanic Amer-
ican Historical Review is published in the English language ;
the newcomer in the field, the RIB, is essentially bi-lingual,
and often even quatro-lingual. Contributors write in their
native idioms, which may indicate that the circulation will
be greater in the Latin-speaking countries than in the United
States and Canada. There are also some European contrib-
utors, who, by agreement, are restricted to writing in
French, Spanish, Portuguese, or English.
Another variation from the usual type of professional
journal lies in the fact that the RIB will attempt to cover
all fields, which will mean special usefulness for reference
and research. The reference room of every library should
have copies on file; this periodical should be read by all
students of Hispanic America, regardless of the field in
which they specialize.
Because the publication is sponsored by the Pan Ameri-
can Union, one must not expect the exactness demanded by
professional journals. Although Dr. A. Curtis Wilgus is the
president of the organization, its essential purpose seems
BOOK REVIEWS 173
to be the continued development of closer cultural relations
between the various states on a higher level, with each
country making contributions within chosen fields.
The RIB will, like most quarterlies, publish a general
bibliography of books, pamphlets, and articles, as well as
bi-annual lists of new periodicals, and an annual roundup
of government documents. The latter two items should be
used as checklists of Latin American materials.
The two major weaknesses appear to be: first, the em-
ployment of a variety of languages, which may prove to be a
handicap to the less gifted who would otherwise be inter-
ested; and second, as the title indicates, only the area is
specific, the field is general.
DAVIDSON B. MCKIBBIN
University of New Mexico
Mexico During the War with the United States. Jose Fer-
nando Ramirez. Edited by Walter V. Scholes. Translated *
by Elliott B. Scherr. The University of Missouri Studies^p
XXIII, No. 1. Columbia, 1950. Pp. 165. $2.50. ^Pv
*\s
This is one observer's view of Mexico during the years
1846 and 1847. It is in the form of a diary and letters to a
political friend. These were published nearly fifty years ago
in the original Spanish by Genaro Garcia. Now they appear
for the first time in English translation, with numerous
brief notes identifying persons and places and explaining
certain events that might not otherwise be clear to the
reader. The translation seems to be a happy combination of
accuracy and clarity. The notes, in some instances, are
incomplete, and the index is not quite adequate. The intro-
duction does not present a rigidly accurate view of the cir-
cumstances leading to the Mexican War. But these are very
minor blemishes. The documents well deserve publication in
English, for they present a vivid picture of the chaotic con-
ditions in Mexico during this period as seen by an intelligent
observer, as well as the opinions and perplexities of this
observer, who witnessed in person many of the events which
174 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
he described. Jose Fernando Ramirez did not have a high
regard for the political capacity of the Mexicans of his day,
whom he considered proud, imprudent, selfish, and, for the
most part, corrupt. Later he seems to have despaired of their
ability for self-government, for while he did not join in the
invitation to Ferdinand Maximilian to rule Mexico, he soon
became a member of Maximilian's cabinet. Although Ramirez
had a few kind words for Paredes, Santa Anna, and Gomez
Farias, his tone is usually denunciatory. The Mexico of this
war period seems to have reeked with petty larceny.
J. FRED RIPPY
The University of Chicago
CONSTITUTION
OF THE
HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF NEW MEXICO
(As amended Nov. 25, 1941)
Article 1. Name. This Society shall be called the Historical Society
of New Mexico.
Article 2. Objects and Operation. The objects of the Society shall
be, in general, the promotion of historical studies; and in particular,
the discovery, collection, preservation, and publication of historical
material especially such as relates to New Mexico.
Article 3. Membership. The Society shall consist of Members, Fel-
lows, Life Members and Honorary Life Members.
(a) Members. Persons recommended by the Executive Council
and elected by the Society may become members.
(b) Fellows. Members who show, by published work, special
aptitude for historical investigation may become Fellows. Immedi-
ately following the adoption of this Constitution, the Executive
Council shall elect five Fellows, and the body thus created may there-
after elect additional Fellows on the nomination of the Executive
Council. The number of Fellows shall never exceed twenty-five.
(c) Life Members. In addition to life members of the Historical
Society of New Mexico at the date of the adoption hereof, such other
benefactors of the Society as shall pay into its treasury at one time
the sum of fifty dollars, or shall present to the Society an equivalent
in books, manuscripts, portraits, or other acceptable material of an
historic nature, may upon recommendation by the Executive Council
and election by the Society, be classed as Life Members.
(d) Honorary Life Members. Persons who have rendered emi-
nent service to New Mexico and others who have, by published work,
contributed to the historical literature of New Mexico or the South-
west, may become Honorary Life Members upon being recommended
by the Executive Council and elected by the Society.
Article 4. Officers. The elective officers of the Society shall be a
president, a vice-president, a corresponding secretary, a treasurer, and
a recording secretary; and these five officers shall constitute the
Executive Council with full administrative powers.
Officers shall qualify on January 1st following their election, and
shall hold office for the term of two years and until their successors
shall have been elected and qualified.
175
Article 5. Elections. At the October meeting of each odd-numbered
year, a nominating committee shall be named by the president of the
Society and such committee shall make its report to the Society at
the November meeting. Nominations may be made from the floor
and the Society shall, in open meeting, proceed to elect its officers by
ballot, those nominees receiving a majority of the votes cast for the
respective offices to be declared elected.
Article 6. Dues. Dues shall be $3.00 for each calendar year, and
shall entitle members to receive bulletins as published and also the
Historical Review.
Article 7. Publications. All publications of the Society and the selec-
tion and editing of matter for publication shall be under the direction
and control of the Executive Council.
Article 8. Meetings. Monthly meetings of the Society shall be held
at the rooms of the Society on the third Tuesday of each month at
eight P. M. The Executive Council shall meet at any time upon call
of the President or of three of its members.
Article 9. Quorums. Seven members of the Society and three mem-
bers of the Executive Council, shall constitute quorums.
Article 10. Amendments. Amendments to this constitution shall be-
come operative after being recommended by the Executive Council
and approved by two-thirds of the members present and voting at
any regular monthly meeting; provided, that notice of the proposed
amendments shall have been given at a regular meeting of the Society,
at least four weeks prior to the meeting when such proposed amend-
ment is passed upon by the Society.
176
^Mexico
Historical Review
Palace of the Governors, Santa Fe
, 1951
Editors
FRANK D. REEVE PAUL A. F. WALTER
Associates
PERCY M. BALDWIN GEORGE P. HAMMOND
FRANCE V. SCHOLES THEODOSIUS MEYER, O.F.M.
ARTHUR J. 0. ANDERSON
VOL. XXVI JULY, 1951 No. 3
CONTENTS
Page
Washington Ellsworth Lindsey
Ira C. Ihde 177
Cristobal de Onate
Agapito Key 197
Development of the Cattle Industry in Southern Arizona, 1870' and 80's
J. J. Wagoner 204
Checklist of New Mexico Publications (continued)
Wilma Loy Shelton 225
Notes and Documents 242
Book Reviews . 248
THE NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW is published jointly by the Historical Society
of New Mexico and the University of New Mexico. Subscription to the quarterly is
$3.00 a year in advance ; single numbers, except those which have become scarce, are
$1.00 each.
Business communications should be addressed to Mr. P. A. F. Walter, State
Museum, Santa Fe, N. M. ; manuscripts and editorial correspondence should be
addressed to Prof. Frank D. Reeve, University of New Mexico, Albuquerque, N. M.
Entered as second-class matter at Santa Fe, New Mexico
UNIVERSITY PRESS, Albuquerque, N. M.
NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL
REVIEW
VOL. XXVI JULY, 1951 No. 3
WASHINGTON ELLSWORTH LINDSEY
By IRA C. IHDE *
Youth and Early Manhood
WASHINGTON ELLSWORTH LINDSEY exemplified the spirit
of a pioneering and progressive family. The third
governor of the state of New Mexico was born on December
20, 1862, near Armstrong Mills in Belmont County, Ohio.
He lived the normal life of an Ohio farm youth for his time.
He slept in the loft of the log house, which he reached by
climbing a straight ladder along the wall. The boy loved to
fish in nearby Capitana Creek, to roam the fields in search
of arrow heads, and to tramp through the woods to his fa-
vorite persimmon tree. As he was the sixth of eight children,
he was disciplined frequently by the older members of the
family.
Washington Lindsey began his educational career in a
one-room, brick school building at Armstrong Mills. He be-
gan attending the village school at the age of seven, and
attended four months each year until he was seventeen.
Due to the large number of pupils for the one teacher, indi-
vidual recitations were very infrequent. However, because
of his love for history and mathematics, he became proficient
in these subjects. Upon completion of the course offered at
the village school, he entered Scio College in Harrison
County, Ohio. This was a Methodist supported institution
which united in 1911 with Mount Union College of Alliance,
* Dr. Ira C. Ihde is a member of the faculty of the Eastern New Mexico Univer-
sity. This article is a condensation of his doctoral dissertation, University of New
Mexico, 1950.
177
178 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Ohio. The "One Study System" was in vogue at Scio College.
A student devoted himself exclusively to the study of one
subject until he could pass a proficiency examination. Upon
successful completion of an examination, he devoted his time
to another subject. After displaying a superior grasp of his-
tory, government, and mathematics, Washington Lindsey
was graduated in the spring of 1884 with the Bachelor of
Science degree.
While at Scio, he was inspired by a Professor Smith to
continue his education after graduation. He wished to stay
in school, but lacked the necessary funds. The next four
years, then, were spent in accumulating funds and in devel-
oping a philosophy of life. Any and all odd jobs were wel-
comed by him; he even took up amateur boxing to aid his
finances. Most of his time, however, was devoted to teaching
short terms of school. The young man migrated from place
to place, teaching in country schools in Ohio and Michigan,
and later at West Point and Mohament in Piatt and Cham-
paign Counties in Illinois.
Washington Lindsey matriculated at the University of
Michigan in the spring of 1888, and in June, 1891, received
the degree of LL.D. from this institution. While at Michigan,
he was active in student life. He was always an advocate
of westward expansion. Because of his interest and respect
for Horace Greeley, his classmates attached to him the
nickname of "Greeley." Although he was opposed to polyg-
amy, the young man had a great admiration for the west-
ward migration of the Mormons. His forensic society
selected him to represent it in debates on a phase of the
Mormon question involving the Edmunds Act. The respect
with which he was held by his classmates is shown by the
fact that he was elected vice-president of his class.
While attending Michigan, Washington Lindsey's life
was particularly influenced by several individuals. He did
some special work under H. B. Adams, a noted statistician,
who was in the service of the Federal government. He was
a pliant student of the renowned John Dewey, professor of
philosophy at Michigan from 1884 to 1888. James R. Angell
was a close friend from among his classmates. Angell later
GOVERNOR LINDSEY 179
became an eminent psychologist, a professor at the Uni-
versity of Chicago for many years, and then president of
Yale University. This friendship was maintained by corre-
spondence and visits throughout the life of Washington
Lindsey.
Having finished law school, he soon embarked on a long
delayed marriage. While at Scio College, he was chosen to
carry the lead in a college play. Cast to play opposite him
was Amanda "Mattie" Haughton of Easton, Michigan. Lind-
sey played the character of a young man named "Wade,"
while "Mattie" was cast as a young lady named "Deane."
The enacted love scenes initiated a romance which later cul-
minated in marriage. The rest of their lives, "Mattie" called
Lindsey "Wade" and Lindsey called her "Deane."
Washington Lindsey and his wife had three children:
Howard Wade, born in Chicago, December 25, 1893 ; Helen
Marr, born in Chicago, August 1, 1898 ; and Michael Roose-
velt, born in Portales, New Mexico, on January 7, 1904. The
latter was named after Miguel A. Otero, Governor of the
Territory of New Mexico, and Theodore Roosevelt, Presi-
dent of the United States. Both were progressive Republi-
cans at the time of the boy's birth and both were greatly
admired by his father.
In July, following his graduation in June, 1891, Lindsey
began the practice of law in Chicago. His success for the
first year was mediocre, but as the years passed there were
signs of the development of a promising career. A certain
amount of restlessness and the lure of the west, however,
was in the background of his mind. He followed keenly the
movement to the west. At the outbreak of the war with
Spain, he offered his services to his country. He was com-
missioned captain of Company L of the provisional division
in Illinois; however, the armistice was signed before his
regiment was inducted into service.
He took an active part in Illinois politics, and was a
delegate to the Republican State Convention at Peoria, in
May, 1900. The men whom he helped to nominate were
elected that fall after he had left the state.
In the meantime, Mrs. Lindsey was seemingly growing
180 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
deaf. Her physician advised her to move from Chicago to a
high and dry climate. This suggestion was welcomed by her
husband. He was solicitous of her health, and felt that the
west would offer opportunities for a young man with a legal
background. Mrs. Lindsey, with her two children, came west
in an exploratory trip. She first went to Salida, Colorado,
but this did not seem satisfactory. She then went to Roswell,
New Mexico. After residing there for one month, her hus-
band joined her in May, 1900. But Roswell, too, did not seem
satisfactory because the water disagreed with Mrs. Lindsey.
On June 20, 1900, they located at Portales, New Mexico,
where they were to spend a quarter of a century of their
lives, and to take an active part in the development of New
Mexico.
Civic Interests
Myriad were the activities of Washington Lindsey after
his arrival in Portales. The entire area of what is now
Roosevelt County at that time, with the exception of prob-
ably twenty quarters, was "free" government land. Lindsey
applied for an appointment as United States Commissioner,
and on July 10, 1900, the appointment was received from
Chief Justice Mills of the Territorial Supreme Court. Thou-
sands of homestead filings were made before him. Lindsey,
himself, bought out the claim of someone on a homestead
in North Portales. Upon this 160 acre tract, he immediately
built a small home. Later he enlarged it and, except for short
intervals, this remained his home throughout his life.
Lindsey served as United States Commissioner for six-
teen years, from 1900 to 1916. During those years the duties
of his office took up most of his time, but not all of it. He
was actively engaged in the practice of law, and in promot-
ing various business enterprises which have proved of de-
cided value to the community. He was identified with prac-
tically all of the activities of the town and the community.
The promotion of townsites was one of Lindsey's busi-
ness ventures. In company with John Brown Sledge, he
formed the Portales Townsite Company, and was president
and chief promoter of this organization from 1902 to 1911.
A large portion of Lindsey's homestead was converted into
GOVERNOR LINDSEY 181
town lots. In addition, much of the original townsite of Por-
tales was purchased by this company and sold to individuals
who sought new homes in the west. In the early years, in
making his contacts, he traveled in a two-seated hack drawn
by one horse, called "Old Mouse." After discarding this
mode of conveyance, which had become a familiar sight in
Portales, he purchased his first automobile, which he called
the "Bull Moose."
The promotion of townsites in the surrounding com-
munities, with various associates, engaged another portion
of Lindsey's time. Early in the century, the Atchison, To-
peka, and Santa Fe Railroad Company was contemplating
a site for its shops somewhere along its proposed line be-
tween Amarillo, Texas, and Vaughn, New Mexico. These
shops were finally located at Clovis, and it was here that
Lindsey realized nice profits from the sale of original town-
site lots which he had bought for speculative purposes.
However, while the location was still in doubt, Lindsey and
his associates bought land along the route, and established
two other townsites, in hopes of securing the Santa Fe shops.
They laid out town lots and named the places La Lande and
Taiban. Both Taiban and La Lande became railroad stations,
and La Lande gave promise of growth ; for a time it had a
college and a newspaper. The census of 1940 gives Taiban
an estimated population of one hundred, and La Lande
thirty-five. Both bear testimony to the optimism of a pio-
neering and progressive spirit. As a monument to that
spirit, there still stands at La Lande a beautiful but empty
Santa Fe station.
During the years of his multiple activities, Washington
Lindsey acquired considerable property and financial hold-
ings. He owned several farms, some livestock, business
buildings, and some bank stock. After business hours he
enjoyed supervising the farm near his home. On this farm
he had a small herd of cattle, and hired men, working under
his direction, took care of them and farmed the land.
Lindsey was a booster for his home area. He gave a
generous and encouraging hand to the Commercial Club and
to the geographical area of his home. He cultivated friend-
182 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
ship and fellowship in his home, his church, and his fra-
ternal organizations. He promoted the expansion of dry
land and irrigation farming in his community.
Prodded by Lindsey and John A. Fairly, William H.
Andrews, territorial delegate from New Mexico, was instru-
mental in getting a forest reserve for Roosevelt County in
1905. It was a strip in the northern part of the county,
running east from the present site of Melrose to the state
line. It was eight miles wide and thirty miles long but no
trees were ever planted. A full time forest ranger lived in
Portales for over two years. The reserve project was aban-
doned and restored to the public domain in March, 1907.
Boosting for the home area agriculturally, Lindsey first
experimented with dry land crops; later he became an ar-
dent advocate of irrigation. He was one of the first to try
dry land cotton growing in Roosevelt County, and his
original half acre of planting was successful. When the fed-
eral government distributed free cotton seed, which was
especially adapted to arid lands, he encouraged the local
farmers to submit their names to him so that he might
get their allotment from the territorial delegate in Congress,
W. H. Andrews.
Living in a semi-arid land, Lindsey loved trees of all
kinds. He planted many of them and encouraged others to
do so. On his frequent trips to Ohio, he brought back walnuts
and successfully grew them into trees.
But the promotion of irrigation in the Portales Valley
was his first love. When information was received in Por-
tales that an artesian flow of water had been discovered near
the present site of Artesia, New Mexico, much interest was
shown in this event by the citizens of Portales. Accordingly,
sponsored by Lindsey, a pool of money was collected in the
fall of 1902 for the purpose of drilling a test well. In 1903
and 1904 a Mr. Jessup was employed to drill the well. It was
found that the well would flow only by mechanical means ;
it was not artesian. This however did not discourage Lind-
sey, but his enthusiasm was not shared by all and the project
was soon abandoned.
A second stimulus to the Portales irrigation project
GOVERNOR LINDSEY 183
occurred on May 20, 1909, when Delegate Andrews intro-
duced a bill in Congress to set up a fund of $300,000 for an
electric plant at Portales. The bill went the way of most
bills ; it died in the committee. It did, however, arouse local
interest and local efforts. A citizens' committee, with Lindsey
as chairman, was appointed to confer with the Westinghouse
Company of Pittsburgh relative to the possibility of estab-
lishing a power plant in Portales.
In the meantime, several individually sponsored test
wells were sunk, two of them by Lindsey. Both of them
were successful in producing a generous flow of water.
After a considerable amount of promotion and several
mass meetings, the Portales Irrigation Company was incor-
porated on December 14, 1909. Its chief promoter, Lindsey,
was unanimously elected president. A contract was drawn
with the Westinghouse Company. The general plan was to
have the farmers subscribe a minimum of 10,000 acres for
irrigation. They were to make an initial payment of $3.50
an acre, and to pay in annual installments until a total of
thirty-five dollars an acre had been paid. The Westinghouse
Company was to hold a mortgage on the farms as security ;
it in turn was to erect the huge power plant and supply
current to the individual farms. Rapid progress was made
in getting subscriptions for a while but not without minor
difficulties. By July 21, 1910, fifty-six wells were pumping
with an average of from 750 to 1,470 gallons per minute.
A Water Carnival was held in Portales on August 18, 19, and
20 to celebrate the first year of operation of the plant. On
February 1, 1912, there were sixty-nine wells powered from
the central plant. During the fall of 1913, the company
began its first extension by adding thirty miles of line and
twenty-five new wells. This project was completed by March,
1914, and the total length of power lines at this time was
105 miles.
But the task of converting dry land into production was
not all smooth sailing. As early as 1911, ten per cent of the
subscribers were unable to meet the payments due in that
year. Furthermore, in that same year, due to the need of
repairs and the mechanical overhauling of the engines, there
184 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
was a shortage of power and likewise of water during the
heat of summer. Lack of proper marketing facilities for
perishable products depreciated the outlook for profits. The
number of delinquent subscribers increased. It was not al-
ways possible for a farmer to get water when he most
needed it. Individual pumping systems were installed in-
creasingly year by year, and became serious competitors of
the central plant. The Portales Power and Irrigation Com-
pany as such, became defunct in 1917. The bond holders
acquired over seven thousand acres of the best land in the
Portales Valley. It was appraised at twenty dollars per acre.
The probable loss to the irrigation company was estimated
at $500,000.
It was a heavy blow to Lindsey. He grieved for the losses
of his friends, and personally lost $50,000 in the venture.
The co-operative project failed but it demonstrated the
possibilities of irrigation in the valley. Today the Portales
Valley has over 30,000 acres under irrigation. The leading
crops are grain sorghums, peanuts, sweet potatoes, garden
truck, and cotton. The total estimated income from these
crops, for the year 1948, was $4,000,000. Much of the credit
due to this progress in irrigation farming must be given to
the prophetic vision and dauntless courage of Washington
E. Lindsey.
A Friend of Education
The cause of free public education always needs friends.
In a frontier area these friends are invaluable ; such a friend
of education was Washington E. Lindsey. A section of public
school land was located near Portales while the town was in
need of money to sponsor its elementary school system.
Lindsey conceived the idea that this public land could be sold
to the local school board at a nominal price; the board, in
turn, could re-sell the land as city lots, and realize a nice
profit for the school fund. He worked on this project per-
sistently until it was accomplished.
In the meantime, financial difficulties were jeopardizing
the length of the school term. In February of 1908, the
chairman of the school board called a special meeting of the
GOVERNOR LINDSEY 185
patrons to discuss the proposed closing of the schools at
the end of the seventh month because of lack of funds. At
this meeting many patrons, one of whom was Lindsey,
voiced their opposition to the plan. Lindsey made an address
in which he pleaded for the extension of the school term,
and in which he gave an intelligent account of the manner
in which the school funds were raised and in what manner
they might lawfully be disbursed. The schools did not close.
That Lindsey had a long range vision for the school pro-
gram is indicated by his advocacy of conserving school lands
as a constant source of revenue, and of disposing them only
when at a premium. This was his constant policy through
the years.
Lindsey's interest in education extended to the higher
educational institutions. He believed in sending New Mexico
youth to New Mexico colleges ; and to have a college near the
home town, if possible. Even previous to the constitutional
convention, he thought of a college for the eastern side of
New Mexico. He was not successful in gaining a normal
school in Portales immediately, but he had a hand in laying
the groundwork for a future college at that place. Com-
menting on this activity, Thomas J. Mabry observed that
"W. E. Lindsey and J. C. Compton worked hard with me
for an east side normal." The result of this hard work was
a provision in the organic constitution for a normal school in
one of the six counties which in 1910 constituted the eastern
side of the state.
In appraising the administration of Governor Lindsey,
Dr. Frank H. H. Roberts, former president of New Mexico
Normal University, stated : "His friendship to the movement
in education merits one of his claims to a place in the his-
tory of the state."
The welfare of the non-English speaking New Mexican
soldier was one of his problems while he was governor.
Rumors were current that these men were the object of dis-
crimination by American Army officers. The Governor made
a tour of inspection through Camp Kearny and Camp Cody,
a result of which was that schools of instruction were estab-
lished in both camps for those who could not speak the
186 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
English language. Cordial relations were sponsored between
Spanish-speaking and English-speaking soldiers.
In his administration, Governor Lindsey personally spon-
sored more generous appropriations for the educational
institutions ; and he sponsored and signed several bills which
have promoted the cause of education in New Mexico. Im-
portant educational laws enacted during his administration
made it possible to teach high school courses with credit in
the rural districts; to promote co-operative extension work
in agriculture and home economics ; to centralize and control
the rural schools for efficiency, and for more economical
administration by the creation of county boards. Other im-
portant educational laws provided for an annual appropria-
tion to the Historical Society of New Mexico for the
maintenance of public exhibits in the State Museum, the
acceptance of the museum by the state, and an authoriza-
tion for the use of the museum by the School of American
Research.
Probably one of the greatest contributions that Lindsey
made to the cause of education was his service as president
of the Portales Board of Education. He had a long tenure
in that capacity, serving from 1910 to 1916, and again from
1919 until his death in 1926. While Lindsey was the chair-
man of the board, that body worked on democratic principles
in the management of the public schools. After plans and
specifications for new school buildings had been drawn, they
were exhibited to the public in Lindsey's office. In a current
news item he stated that the board wished to invite the citi-
zens of the school district to examine the plans and specifica-
tions and to submit such suggestions thereon as may occur
to them. The annual report of the board of education, writ-
ten and submitted for publication by Lindsey, urged all
patrons to attend the sessions of the board and to criticize
and make suggestions to the members.
That Lindsey was democratic in school policies is further
evidenced by his work in the constitutional convention. In
reporting to the citizens of Roosevelt County regarding the
actions of that body he stated that the reactionaries or
"stand patters" desired appointive supreme and district
GOVERNOR LINDSEY 187
courts, an appointive attorney general, an appointive super-
intendent of public instruction, but that these officers were
now elected. He further stated that he had something to do
with the provision that women might vote at elections for
school officers and be eligible for election to school offices.
That he practiced these precepts is evidenced by the fact
that he was instrumental in getting Mrs. J. P. Stone as a
member of the Portales Board. She was the first woman to
serve in that capacity in the entire area. Thus, the wide
range of Lindsey's educational activities designate him as a
friend of education.
Political Activities
The lure of politics was fascinating to Lindsey through-
out his lifetime. By conscientious effort he left an enviable
record of achievement along political lines for his city, his
county, and his state. His first endeavor for community
building was in writing a bill to create Roosevelt County
and securing its passage through a territorial legislature.
The population increase in eastern New Mexico was due,
in part, to the building of the Pecos Valley and Northeastern
Railroad in 1898; the population increase, in turn, created
a demand for a new county. The county seat for the area
at that time was at Roswell, a distance of over ninety miles.
If Portales could be made a center of local government, not
only would it bring business to town, but it would also elim-
inate much wearisome travel to and from Roswell.
The bill for the new county was drawn up by Lindsey
and introduced in the territorial council by Albert Fall. On
February 28, 1903, Roosevelt County was created by the
signature of Governor M. A. Otero.
His work in the creation of Roosevelt County was just
the beginning of the political activity of Lindsey. In a sense,
it served as a step to a political appointment in the newly
created county. Governor Otero, on March 23, 1903, desig-
nated him as the probate clerk, a position which he held until
the end of 1904. Lindsey's conscientious work as county
probate clerk and the proper political connections led, in
1905, to his appointment as assistant district attorney. He
. t-^^-^y.^^*
«^B*ft«>«»* '
188 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
held this position throughout the year 1909, serving under
District Attorney J. M. Hervey, of Roswell. Later, while
governor, Lindsey appointed his former chief as special
counsel in the attorney general's office.
Direction of the county Republican organization was
virtually a lifelong political activity of Lindsey. With the
exception of two slight interruptions at his own request, he
served continuously as county Republican chairman from
the inception of the county in 1903 until his death. While he
held the office, harmony pervaded the county Republican
ranks at all times. No doubt in most respects his leadership
as county Republican chairman paralleled that of other
county chairmen of his day. He called meetings, presided at
them, introduced speakers, released publicity, and promoted
party harmony to the best of his ability. Perhaps the most
striking element of his leadership was his policy of writing
resolutions, having them approved, and then having them
published in the county papers. This feature was in line
with his political policy of writing many open letters to the
public stating his specific views on the questions of the day.
The county convention resolutions appeared regularly.
The county Republican chairmanship led to state politi-
cal connections and activities. The newspaper files record
that in 1904 he attended the territorial Republican state
convention at Las Vegas. In 1908 he was at the territorial
Republican convention at Silver City which was "very har-
monious," and in which "the sentiment was very strongly
expressed in favor of Taft as the next nominee of the party
for president." Three years later he was a delegate to the
territorial convention at Las Vegas ; and in 1918 he headed
the Roosevelt County delegation in the state meeting in
Santa Fe. In the state convention of 1921, held in Santa Fe,
he was "honored by being placed on the resolutions
committee."
Portales became an incorporated municipality in Febru-
ary, 1909. The unanimous choice for mayor of the new
town was W. E. Lindsey, who served until the spring elec-
tion of 1910 when he refused to further consider the mayor-
alty. Lindsey and his "Home Protection Ticket" won on a
GOVERNOR LINDSEY 189
progressive and prohibition program. They favored the con-
struction of a municipal water and light plant and the ban-
ishment of the saloons in Portales. In regard to the latter,
the issue was made by the winning ticket as strictly in favor
of prohibition for Portales. Immediately after election, the
city administration promoted and held a bond election and
passed city "ordinances that put the saloon temporarily out
of business." A municipal water, light, and sewer system
was installed at the expense of $80,000. Both the dry ordi-
nances and the municipal projects after they got underway
drew considerable opposition. Some citizens charged that
favoritism was being shown to members of the city council
in the matter of public utilities, while other objected to what
they called dictatorial methods in handling the liquor prob-
lem; nevertheless, the projects were carried on to a success-
ful conclusion. Today, the city of Portales still owns and
operates its municipal water and sewer plant ; its light plant
was sold to the Southwestern Public Service Company in
1925 ; and Roosevelt County is one of the two remaining dry
counties in New Mexico.
Within a month after the first bond election of the city
of Portales, the mayor went on an exploratory trip to nearby
cities to study their municipal programs. On his return, he
wrote an open letter to the public in which he reported his
findings and in which he laid down the broad plans of the
program of improvement of his own city. That the program
of instituting a municipal light, water, and sewer project
for Portales was successful is a matter of record. The suc-
cess of the city dry ordinances is a matter of conjecture,
but, Lindsey held that they worked well. When speaking for
local option in the state constitutional convention, he said
that the people of Portales had lived under prohibition
ordinances for eighteen months and were satisfied. He
further stated that Roosevelt County had accumulated in its
court fund a balance exceeding $6,000 or $7,000, had reduced
its tax rate for the court fund from six to three mills on the
dollar, and that "the jail has stood practically empty since
the saloons have been banished."
Chronologically the next important political activity of
190 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Lindsey was his work in the state constitutional convention.
Soon after the national congress passed the enabling act for
New Mexico, and the territorial allotment for delegates to
a constitutional convention had been set up, the Republicans
of Roosevelt County nominated him as delegate. His contri-
butions in the convention will be treated in subsequent pages.
In the year following the state constitutional convention,
the Republicans of Roosevelt County, by convention, nom-
inated Lindsey for the office of state senator from Roosevelt
County. It was a fitting tribute to the Republican member
of the constitutional convention from his home constituents.
However, Roosevelt County is on the Democratic eastside of
New Mexico and the result was a defeat for Lindsey. Prac-
tically the only campaigning engaged in by him in this first
state election was the publication of an open letter to the
electorate of Roosevelt County. The letter gave a frank and
sincere statement of his political philosophy. In it he advo-
cated a powerful elected tax commission, a retention of state
lands until they could be sold for an appreciable price, state
wide prohibition, direct election of United States senators,
and the direct primary. He also favored a corrupt practice
law, homestead exemption from the property tax, reduction
of legal interest rates from twelve to ten per cent, the loca-
tion of a Normal School at Portales, and the initiative,
referendum, and recall in state government.
Lindsey's next step up the political ladder was his nom-
ination and election as lieutenant-governor. He had been a
member of the state Republican convention which nominated
the first group of Republican candidates for office in the new
state. In this convention, he unsuccessfully opposed the
nomination for governor of Holm 0. Bursum. Again in
1916, Lindsey unsuccessfully opposed Bursum, but finally
accepted the nomination to campaign as his running-mate.
He was a representative of the progressive element of the
Republican party, while Bursum was the leader of the so-
called Old Guard Republicans. While Lindsey took little
active part in the campaign, he managed the interests of the
Republican party in Roosevelt County and introduced Re-
publican state candidates when they appeared in his area.
GOVERNOR LINDSEY 191
The Republicans and Democrats split the two guberna-
torial offices in the election of 1916. Ezequiel C. de Baca,
Democrat, was made chief executive with a total vote of
32,732, against 31,524 for Bursum. For the office of lieuten-
ant-governor Lindsey, with a vote of 32,742, defeated W. C.
McDonald, Democrat, who polled 31,757 votes. Returns of
Roosevelt County gave McDonald a majority of 602 votes
over Lindsey, while de Baca's majority over Bursum was
804. But Lindsey polled the largest vote of the four and
ran far ahead of his ticket on the eastern side of the state.
On January 1, 1917, Lindsey was sworn into the office
of lieutenant-governor. He presided over the early delibera-
tions of the senate of the third legislature from January 9
to February 19. On January 1, 1917, in Saint Vincents
Sanitarium in Santa Fe, E. C. de Baca took the oath of
office as governor. This was the occasion for the first meet-
ing of the two men and they here pledged to each other their
support and co-operation for the administration. The cordial
relations thus initiated between the two continued until
February 18, 1917, the date of Governor de Baca's death.
The last step in the series of political activities was taken
by him a few years after he relinquished the governor's
chair. In 1924 he was chosen as a delegate from New Mexico
to the National Republican Convention which met in Cleve-
land, Ohio. In this convention, he cast his votes for the
nomination of Calvin Coolidge and Charles G. Dawes, for
president and vice-president respectively. After their nom-
ination as the Republican candidates, he campaigned ac-
tively for their election. Thus, the life of political activity
of Washington E. Lindsey was progressive; it began in the
county, enlarged to the state, and closed on the national
scene.
Framing the State Constitution
-j-^p.^* l
The struggle for New Mexico's entry into the Union
was a long one. It began soon after General Kearny's con-
quest and continued with accelerated intensity until its final
culmination in 1912. After more than fifty bills on the sub-
ject had been drafted, a bill introduced by Delegate W. H.
Andrews on February 3, 1909, and supported by Senator
192 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Matthew S. Quay of Pennsylvania, became the basis for
statehood. Modified to a minor extent, this bill became the
victorious Enabling Act passed by Congress for New Mexico
on June 20, 1910. This act authorized a constitutional con-
vention, stipulated the number of delegates, and appropri-
ated $100,000 for the expenses involved. It provided that the
election of delegates to the convention should be held not
less than sixty days nor more than ninety days after the
passage of the act.
On June 29, 1910, Governor Mills issued a proclamation
calling for an election on September 6 to select the delegates
to the convention. On July 21, County Republican Chairman
Lindsey issued an official call to the Republicans of Roose-
velt County to meet on August 9 for the purpose of nominat-
ing three candidates on the Republican ticket as delegates to
the constitutional convention. One of the candidates nom-
inated by the Republicans was Lindsey.
The following week, in one of his characteristic open let-
ters to the public, Lindsey announced his platform and the
objectives for which he would strive if elected. After extoll-
ing the principles and privileges of democratic government,
he advocated elective state officials, the secret ballot, the
initiative, referendum, and recall, state wide prohibition, the
direct primary, and proportional representation for minor-
ity groups.
The campaign for the election of delegates to the con-
stitutional convention from Roosevelt County was the most
spirited of its political history. The final count of the ballot-
ing revealed that one Republican, Lindsey, and two Demo-
crats, James A. Hall and C. M. Compton, had been elected.
The constitutional convention of New Mexico was offi-
cially called to order on October 3, 1910. Lindsey was on
hand early for the opening of the convention in Santa Fe,
and in those early hours he learned something of the
machinations of practical politics. He sensed quickly that
all of his idealism would not be incorporated into organic
law, as can be seen from his open letter of October 3 to his
constituents. In this letter he described a pre-convention
Republican caucus in which the "standpatters had the thing
GOVERNOR LINDSEY 193
all cut and dried." He predicted that the personnel of the
committees as selected in this meeting would draft the con-
stitution section by section and that their recommendations
would be incorporated into the organic document.
The letter was strikingly prophetic and might well have
served as a guide to the convention. The first official appoint-
ment received by Lindsey was his membership to the power-
ful committee on committees whose chairman was Solomon
Luna, of Valencia County. The convention was resolved into
twenty-six standing committees, each designated to write a
portion of the constitution. Lindsey was made chairman of
the committee of ways and means and was a member of two
other committees: taxation and revenue, and public build-
ings and institutions.
The chairmanship of the ways and means committee
was a challenge in conscientious stewardship for him. The
national Congress, by the Enabling Act, had appropriated
$100,000 for the cost of the elections and the convention;
Lindsey saw to it that these funds were kept in bounds and
that they were justly apportioned. His committee met for
serious business early in the convention and made a tenta-
tive detailed apportionment of the national appropriation.
In this detailed apportionment, the committee estimated the
costs as follows : cost of election of delegates, $30,000 ; cost
of the convention, including salaries of members and em-
ployees, printing and other expenses, $675 a day; cost of
election for the adoption or rejection of the constitution,
$30,000. On the basis of this estimate, the committee sensed
that it could not finance a prolonged session of the conven-
tion ; therefore, it placed before that body a recommendation
that October 22 be the final date on which files could be
introduced. This recommendation was accepted by the
convention.
The incident that drew the most fire against the commit-
tee on ways and means was the introduction of resolution
No. 21 by Delegate G. A. Richardson, Democrat of Chaves
County, which provided for the printing of a daily journal
to include, in full, all deliberations of the convention. Lind-
sey's committee reported adversely on this resolution, main-
194 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
taining that the cost would be prohibitive. The Democratic
minority charged that the real reason was not cost, but an
effort to hold the deliberations of the convention a secret.
They charged it was but another effort to muzzle the voice
of the minority. The resolution was lost.
The final result of the printing controversy was the adop-
tion of resolution No. 26 by Delegate Lindsey which pro-
vided for the printing of one hundred thousand copies of
the draft of the constitution, one half thereof to be printed
in the English language, all for distribution among the
people and voters of the territory.
In his work as a member of the committee on taxation
and revenue he seems to have gone along, as a rule, with
the majority in framing Articles VIII and IX of the con-
stitution. However, he took issue with his Republican col-
leagues on the matter of assessment. He favored assessment
for taxation nearer to its actual value than the majority of
the committee. He said that "it is very poor advertisement
for New Mexico to have it go abroad that the taxable assess-
ment of New Mexico is less than $60,000,000 when it should
exceed $300,000,000." He favored a state commission em-
powered to "equalize the levy and assessment of 'taxes/ '
but had to be content with the provision that the legislature
might create one at a later time.
The function of the committee on public buildings and
institutions was largely to approve the institutions as they
already existed under the territorial government, both as to
location and as to administration. In Article XIV, which it
composed, the committee agreed to accept federal lands or
other grants and donations for these institutions. Lindsey's
role on this committee was a matter of approving current
policies and conditions.
The work of the constitutional convention was not left
entirely in the hands of the standing committees. There were
discussions from the floor ; influence was exerted upon com-
mittees other than the ones of which the delegates were
members. In these deliberations, Lindsey took an active
part ; on some of them, he left his impressions. He was par-
ticularly interested in such progressive measures as the
GOVERNOR LINDSEY 195
initiative, referendum, recall, woman's suffrage, and elec-
tive state officers. He favored benefits for his east-side con-
stituents— such as tax relief and underground water rights
for farmers, and an educational institution for those who
wished higher education in their home area. Prohibition
was another cause that received his interest and support.
In a large measure, Lindsey's efforts for these pro-
gressive measures were in vain, but not entirely so. It is
true that no initiative or recall provisions were incorporated
into organic law, but into that organic, la. w went!&--nftG4ified
referendum clause. Kansas Citv. *•
In the matter of the promotion of woman's suffrage, in
any form, Lindsey also was in the minority of his party.
The result of the controversy, as far as the organic constitu-
tion was concerned, was that women received the right to
vote at school elections, provided that they possessed the
same qualifications as the male electors; and provided,
further, that the right of woman suffrage had not been sus-
pended in the district by a petition against the same
presented by the majority of the voters to the board of
county commissioners. Lindsey's comment on his part in the
framing of that section was that he had "something to do
with the provision that women might vote at elections for
school officers and be eligible for election to school offices."
In his campaign as a delegate to the constitutional con-
vention, Lindsey advocated a direct primary and many elec-
tive rather than appointive state offices. In most of these
issues, again, he was at odds with his party leadership at the
convention, but he worked for them when the opportunity
presented itself. Among other activities, he introduced File
No. 58, which provided for a primary election law, an Aus-
tralian ballot, and a corrupt practice act. These measures
were not all incorporated into organic law; but to some
extent, Lindsey's influence helped to incorporate a part of
them. In his previously mentioned open letter concerning his
efforts in the convention, Lindsey wrote that "the reaction-
aries" or stand patters desired appointive supreme and
district courts, an appointive attorney general, an appointive
superintendent of public instruction, and an appointive
196 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
corporation commission or rather no such commission, in
fact that practically all the officers of the state be appointed
save only the governor." He concluded his account on this
issue by saying, "You're now engaged in the election of all
state officers and a corporation commission."
Again cast in a minority role on the matter of prohibi-
tion, Lindsey worked unsuccessfully for its adoption in some
form at the constitutional convention. He introduced File
No. 116 for statewide prohibition; it was referred to the
committee on education which took no action concerning it.
Later a proposition was offered by Delegate Frank W.
Parker providing that upon a petition of one third of the
voters of a county, the question would be submitted to a
vote. The convention voted down the Parker proposition by
a vote of forty-eight to forty-two.
Although not considered one of the leading delegates,
compared to the average of the one hundred members
present, Lindsey contributed more than his share to the
creation of the organic charter. His devotion, his sincerity,
and his untiring efforts at the convention were apparent
in helping to frame a suitable constitution for the state of
New Mexico.
(To be continued)
CRISTOBAL DE OflATE
By AGAPITO KEY*
WHEN Don Juan de Onate set out in 1598 on his expedi-
tion to New Mexico, he took along his only son Cristo-
bal, then a "nino de tierna edad." Don Juan gave him the rank
of lieutenant and put him under the tutelage of the sargento
mayor, Vicente de Zaldivar, according to Villagra.1 Cristobal
accompanied his father on the northern expedition in 1601,
but no mention is made of his activities.2 The name of Onate's
son rarely appears in the voluminous documents dealing
with the founding of New Mexico, an indication that he was
not of much assistance to his father in his enterprise.
In 1607 both Onate and his soldiers were impoverished
and unable to carry on without aid from the crown, and
at the suggestion of his men Don Juan resigned his office
as governor of New Mexico. His letter of resignation reached
Mexico in August of 1607, and the Viceroy began at once to
look for some one properly qualified to replace him. As a
stopgap the Viceroy appointed as governor a Juan Martinez
de Montoya, who was already in New Mexico. But when he
presented his patent before the Cabildo (city council) he was
rejected because he was not a soldier, and for other reasons
they did not care to make public. Then the Cabildo re-elected
Don Juan de Onate to the post he had relinquished, and when
he declined the appointment, the Cabildo in open session,
at the recommendation of the commissary of the Francis-
cans, Father Escobar, elected Don Cristobal de Onate to the
post vacated by his father as governor of New Mexico.3
* Professor of History, Indiana University.
1. Historia de la Nueva Mexico, Canto VI. In Canto XXIV, Villagra says that
on first reaching San Gabriel, Onate sent his son Cris6bal as a messenger to bear the
good tidings to Vicente de Zaldivar who was bringing up the rest of the army, and
that captains Quesada and Villagra accompanied the youth. See G. Espinosa's transla-
tion, The Quivira Society Publications, IV, 75, 205.
2. In the true report of this expedition (December 14, 1601), we read that
Cristobal de Onate was one of the men in the party, and with others he signed attest-
ing the accuracy of the report. His presence in the expedition is not otherwise noted.
This document and all others mentioned in this article are included in George P.
Hammond and Agapito Rey, The Founding of New Mexico, Coronado Historical Pub-
lications, vols. V and VI, now in press.
3. Letter of Don Luis de Velasco to the king, February 13, 1609 (A. G. I.,
197
198 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
This election by the Cabildo was communicated to the
Viceroy, with the request that it be confirmed or the appoint-
ment be made anew. Requested also was a salary for the
governor, and immediate aid for the new colony if it were to
survive. The Viceroy did not like the arrangement, and as he
hoped to find a man of means and experience to fill the post,
he asked the fiscal of the Audiencia for an opinion. Fiscal
Leoz recommended in strong terms the rejection of Crist6-
bal's election for the same reasons already advanced by the
Viceroy.4
Unable to find a wealthy man eager for a governorship,
the Viceroy appointed Don Pedro de Peralta, who reached
New Mexico in 1609 with instructions to relieve Don Juan
de Onate, and to build at once the city of Santa Fe.
Who governed New Mexico during the year and a half
that elapsed between the resignation of Don Juan de Onate
and the arrival of Peralta? The documents seem to indicate
that Don Juan continued to hold his office until Peralta
arrived to replace him, and there is no indication that either
his son or Montoya actually held office despite their appoint-
ments. However, in a petition presented years later by Saez
Maurigade, a descendant of Montoya, it is clearly stated that
Cristobal de Onate held office until the arrival of Peralta.
It says that on August 9, 1608, Martinez de Montoya ap-
peared in Santo Domingo before Cristobal de Onate, then
holding the office of governor and captain-general of New
Mexico, and that on the following day, August 10, Cristobal
certified Montoya's supplementary statement of services. It
also states that in the period of 1606-1607 Martinez de
Montoya took part in an expedition led by Cristobal de Onate
against the Apaches who had been bold enough to attack
San Gabriel. Montoya may have actually secured the signa-
ture of young Onate, considering him as the legal governor
58-3-16). The Cabildo and the soldiers discussed the matter and "concluded that, to
save the situation, the governor should resign his post" (August 24, 1607).
4. The fiscal recommended that under no circumstances should the governorship
of New Mexico be transmitted to Onate's son, "since the said don Cris6bal, his son,
is a youth lacking in age and experience, of whom it is said that he hardly known
how to read and write, he cannot have the authority necessary to establish and guide
matters there" (February 2, 1609).
CRISTOBAL DE OfiATE 199
when his own appointment was rejected by the Cabildo.5 Be
that as it may, we have no other documentary evidence to
prove that young Cristobal actually governed New Mexico,
or that he ever led any expedition. In his appointment and
instructions, Peralta is sent to relieve Don Juan de Onate ;
the name of Cristobal is not even mentioned.
What became of Cristobal de Onate after his father
Don Juan gave up the governorship of New Mexico? The
late L. B. Bloom says that he was killed in 1610 when his
father's party was attacked by the Indians as he was return-
ing to Mexico.6 He cites no documents to support his asser-
tion, nor have we found any thus far. Cristobal must have
died shortly after his father gave up his governorship and
returned to Mexico, but of natural causes. Had he been killed
in New Mexico, the documents could not have failed to
state it. Don Juan when answering charges brought against
him in his residencia, and in his appeal to the crown for
compensation for his expenses and sacrifices, never once
mentions the loss of his son or the latter's services to his
majesty. He recalls the services of his forefathers, his ex-
penses and hardships, and the loss of his nephew Don Juan
de Zaldivar, killed at Acoma, but he says not a word about
5. His petition reads : "D. Saez Maurigade, vecino de esta corte, sobre que ee
le incluya en la descendencia directa del capitan D. Juan Martinez de Montoya, des-
cubridor, conquistador y poblador que fue en las Americas y gobernador del Nuevo
Mexico." It was quoted at length by F. V. Scholes in NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
(1944), XIX, 337-342. From this and other documents cited above Scholes concludes
that Cristobal de Onate governed New Mexico for more than a year after the resig-
nation of his father, before the arrival of Peralta. Similar conclusion had been
reached earlier by George P. Hammond, Don Juan de Onate, 172-178. Fiscal Leoz
suggests that much when he states : "His majesty cannot in conscience continue the
government in charge of the said Don Cristobal when so many obstacles stand in the
way." Cristobal is also listed as governor of New Mexico by L. B. Bloom, N. M. HIST.
REV., X, 154 ; and he adds that Cristobal acted as governor in 1604 while his father,
Don Juan, was on his expedition to the Gulf of California. He cites no documents to
support his assertion. However there is a "Peticion de los pobladores de la villa de
San Gabriel del Nuevo Mexico a don Cristobal de Onate," December 1, 1604 (A. G. N.,
t. XXVI, p. 139 ) . This petition, signed by nineteen men, requests the expulsion of
Juan Lopez de Olguin from San Gabriel, "por causas bastantes." It must have been
the result of some trivial disagreement, as Olguin is allowed to move to Santo Do-
mingo to be in the escort of Fr. Juan de Escalona, who suggested the petition in the
first place. It is clearly stated that Olguin "no va desterrado ni por delito alguno."
Don Cristobal granted the petition.
6. N. M. HIST. REV., XII, 175. H. R. Wagner, The Spanish Southwest, Quivira
Society Publications, VII, 222, says also that he was killed in 1609 or 1610. However,
he admits that he has never seen any document to support his statement.
200 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
his son, which means that he had not much to say about him
that would help his own cause.
Upon his return to Mexico Don Juan had to stand a
residencia on his conduct of the conquest and government
of New Mexico, as was required of all high officials at the
completion of their tenure in office. Onate had been accused
of various crimes by some disgruntled soldiers and, after
years of legal maneuvers, in 1614 he was found guilty on
some counts and sentenced to pay a fine of 6,000 pesos, to
perpetual banishment from New Mexico and from Mexico
City for five years, and the loss of his title as Adelantado.
Ofiate paid the fine and then started on the long tortuous
road to appeal and vindication.7
In 1622 we find Don Juan in Spain trying to obtain the
removal of the disabilities imposed on him eight years
earlier. By now his five year banishment from Mexico City
had expired, but the perpetual banishment from New Mexico
and the suspension of his titles were still in force. On April
6 of this year, 1622, the Council of the Indies recommended
the removal of these disabilities.
Onate left no stone unturned to obtain vindication. As
part of his campaign he promoted the compilation of a book
of poetry in memory of his son Cristobal. This book entitled
Canciones lugubres was published in 1622.8 It was assembled
by Francisco Murcia de la Liana, who relieved his father of
the commission he had been appointed to do. He says that he
accepts his task in order to repay in a small measure the
many favors his father owed the illustrious families of the
Onates and the Zaldivars. Furthermore it was proper that a
young poet should sing the glories of a young dead hero.9
The poets must have been briefed as to what they were
to say in their compositions, since they all repeat the same
7. The document containing; the sentences imposed on Onate and his captains is
found in the volumes mentioned in note 2.
8. For the description of this rare bibliographical item see H. R. Wagner, The
Spanish Southwest, VII, 222-223. The only known copy is now in the Jones collection
in Brown University Library ; the Bancroft Library has a photostat copy, which I
utilized for this article.
9. Murcia includes also a poem in memory of Villagra, who had died in 1620
while on his way to Guatemala to assume his post as alcalde mayor of Zapotitlan. It
was perhaps Villagra who helped Onate to contact the literary world. Villagra'B rimed
CRISTOBAL DE OftATE 201
uninspired platitudes. One of Murcia's poems is a "Discurso
figurative," in which the gods assemble to crown the illus-
trious youth. In another poem, an Alabanza imitated from
Ovid's fable of Phoebus and Phaeton, he compares the
Onates with these mythological characters, but in this case,
Cristobal is able to control the reins of the chariot of state
(sun). Murcia speaks in glowing but vague terms of the
heroic deeds of young Onate. He fell, not because of his lack
of ability, like Phaeton, but because of Death's envy. While
Don Juan lost his only son, he still finds solace in a daughter,
Dona Maria, married to her cousin, Vicente de Zaldivar, who
served his uncle as sargento mayor and maese de campo in
the conquest of New Mexico.
The Murcias had been official correctors of books for the
Council in Madrid so long that some wits asked whether
they would ever come to an end. In their official capacity
they were well acquainted with the writers at the Spanish
court and it was not hard for young Murcia to find poets to
sing the praises of young Cristobal de Onate.
There are ten other contributors to Canciones lugubres,
recruited among those whose books the Murcias had seen
through the press.10 The best known among them is Alonso
de Salas Barbadillo, a writer of clever picaresque novels
interspersed with poems. He contributed a silva in whose
title he says that Cristobal died at the age of twenty-two in
chronicle of the expedition was published in 1610 in Alcala, and it contained laudatory
poems by some of the same men who collaborate in Canciones lugubres. Among others
there is a poem in Pindaric verse by Tribaldos de Toledo, in which he sings the praise
of O fiate's son :
Of Don Cristobal, worthy son.
He who through many combats won
For Spain, Galicia the new.
Adding a kingdom by his hand
To the noble Mexic land,
All honor to him is due.
But Tribaldos seems to confuse young Cristobal with his forebear of the same name,
one-time governor of New Galicia and supporter of Coronado. See Villagra, Historia.
de la Nueva Mexico, translated by G. Espinosa, Quivira Society Publications, IV, 33, 37 ;
G. P. Hammond and A. Key, Narratives of the Coronado Expedition, p. 35.
10. Other poets included are : Francisco Cascales, Sebastian de Lirio, Luis Tri-
baldos de Toledo, Licentiate Nicolas Davilana, Dr. Francisco Yanez, Alonso de la Mota,
Alonso de Salas Barbadillo, Fr. Ambrosio de Herrera, Diego Manuel and Licentiate
Francisco de Herrera Maldonado. Bibliographical data on these men is found in Perez
Pastor, Bibliografia Madrilena, and in standard histories of Spanish literature. In this
article we are not discussing the literary aspect of Canciones lugubres.
202 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
the conquest of New Mexico. His age is given variously as
twenty-two to twenty-four.11
In this volume are found two well known Spanish human-
ists: Francisco Cascales and Luis Tribaldos de Toledo. The
first was from the city of Murcia, the same as the collector
of this volume, who was named after this city. Cascales'
poetic device consists in being transported to New Mexico
by Melpomene, who shows him what Don Juan has con-
quered for Spain, and the ancestors of Cristobal, who are
bemoaning his demise.
The erudite Tribaldos speaks of the rise to Heaven of
the innocent soul of young Onate. "His death left Spain,
and particularly Cantabria, in mourning." It is all generali-
ties, valueless as poetry or history. Tribaldos is the most
famous humanist of the group, and the one most closely
identified with American matters. He was named Chronicler
of the Indies after the death of Antonio Herrera in 1625.
He wrote a Vista general de las continuas guerras; dificil
conquista del Gran Reyno y provincias de Chile (1625). We
find laudatory poems by him in several books of his day. He
contributed a sonnet for the Milicia y description de las
Indias (1599) by Bernardo Vargas Machuca. He edited the
poems of Francisco de Figueroa, and gave the approval for
the publication of the translation of Virgil's Eclogues and
Georgics by Cristobal de Mesa in 1614. He defended Lope de
Vega in the latter's literary disputes.12
The apparent purpose of this volume is to honor the
memory of Cristobal de Onate who died so young, but the
real object is to glorify the families from which he descended
and thus enhance the prestige of his father, Don Juan de
Onate, who is seeking the restoration of his titles and honors.
11. Salas Barbadillo gives no details in the poem itself. An epitaph at the end of
the volume reads : "Hie iacet D. Christophorus de Onnate Indorum terror . . . obyit
anno aetatis suae vigesimo secundo." However Diego Manuel prolongs Don Cristobal's
life two more years, saying he died "en anos vienticuatro." Such is also the age given
by Herrera Maldonado:
Y en veintiquatro Apolinares vueltas,
tus vitorias resueltas,
vida de un capaz siglo te atribuyen.
12. More details about them can be found in J. Garcia Soriano, El humanists
Francisco Cascales, Madrid, 1924 ; M. Menendez y Pelay, Historia de las ideas esttticas,
Madrid, 1946, II, 331-333.
CRISTOBAL DE ONATE 203
The poets all repeat with monotonous accord that he was a
descendant of Montezuma, Cortes, Juan de Tolosa and Cris-
tobal de Zaldivar.
The Onates had intermarried with the Zaldivars and
Tolosas, all powerful families in Mexico and Spain. They
had become wealthy exploiting silver mines in Zacatecas,
and are praised as founders of this city.13 Vicente de Zal-
divar, nephew and son-in-law of Onate, is eulogized as the
patron of the new Jesuit foundations in Zacatecas.
Wealth and influential family ties smoothed Don Juan's
path. His Biscayan relatives and friends were rooting for
him. Much of this was brought out in the Canciones, which
seem to be cut from the same pattern, showing indications
of having been written to order, based on information sup-
plied by Onate himself or his agents. This information must
have been very sketchy, limited to the bare facts that Cris-
tobal accompanied his father Don Juan de Onate to New
Mexico and that he had died young, but without telling
when, where, or how. The poets did not know Cristobal
personally, and they had to belabor their imaginations to
make it appear that they were bemoaning the loss of a
bosom friend.
Onate's campaign for exoneration proved successful. In
1623 the Council of the Indies recommended that his dis-
abilities be removed. He was appointed inspector of mines,
and by 1628 both he and his nephew and son-in-law, Vicente
de Zaldivar, were members of the order of Santiago.14
13. In a petition addressed to the king in 1623, Onate lists the many services his
family and himself have rendered the crown. He points out particularly the large sums
that have accrued to the royal treasury from the silver mines exploited by the Zaldivars.
An English translation by L. B. Bloom was published in N. M. HIST. REV., XII, 180.
14. Captain Cristobal de Zaldivar in his petition states that "he is a nephew of
Don Juan Onate, knight of the Order of Santiago, conqueror of the provinces of New
Mexico, and brother of Vicente de Zaldivar of the same habit of Santiago, who Was
maese de campo in the said conquest where he rendered special services." Published by
L. B. Bloom, N. M. HIST. REV., XII, 191.
DEVELOPMENT OF THE CATTLE INDUSTRY
IN SOUTHERN ARIZONA, 1870's AND 80's
By J. J. WAGONER *
STOCK ranching has always been a frontier industry and
has served a place of primary importance in the ad-
vancement of western civilization. In the Southwest, two
phases of development seem to predominate: (1) the merg-
ing of the northward expansion of the Spanish settlements
with the westward movement from the Atlantic Coast; and
(2) the adaptability of the industry to the arid country
which for the first time gave the cattleman an opportunity
for land utilization that the agriculturist could not easily
supplant. Both phases permeate the entire history of the
cattle industry in southern Arizona, but the second became
more important with the rapid influx of population after
1872.
Success in ranching after this date was dependent upon
the possession of water and an abundance of native forage.
The men who located along the rivers and streams controlled
the unfenced range and, though they did not own the land
or grass, it was understood among neighbors that the appro-
priation of water entailed the possession of certain range
rights.1
As background to subsequent development, it should be
mentioned that most of the herds in Arizona during the
early 1870's were driven in from Texas and California to
supply troops and Indians with beef. Advertisements in the
Arizona Citizen calling for bids indicate that the business
was lucrative. On January 27, 1872, for example, bids were
asked for the delivery of all the beef and mutton needed by
soldiers in Arizona for the year commencing July 1, 1872.
It was estimated that 2,000 beeves and 1,000 wethers would
be required. A clue as to the importance of the drives is
shown in the fact that Lieutenant Colonel M. D. F. Simpson
* Mr. Wagoner is a member of the faculty of the Phoenix Union High School.
Phoenix, Arizona. He is the author of "The Gadsden Purchase Lands," NEW MEXICO
HISTORICAL REVIEW, 26:18-43 (January, 1951).
1. Walter P. Webb, The Great Plain*, p. 228.
204
ARIZONA CATTLE INDUSTRY 205
stipulated that a $5,000 bond should be posted to assure
faithful execution of the contract.2 In May of the same year
appeared the request of the Superintendent of Indian Af-
fairs that bids be sent for supplying approximately 75,000
pounds of beef cattle for immediate slaughter.3
Under fair circumstances, these contracts would have
resulted in profitable operations. However, the returns from
the occupation were not so great as one might expect. Indian
and Sonora thieves wreaked such depredations on the herds
of the contracting firm of Hinds and Hooker that there was
a deficit for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1871. Further-
more, several of the herders were killed.4
Another difficulty arose over the failure of Congress to
appropriate enough money to pay for the beef furnished
the Indians. It is certain that the government peace policy
would have been jeopardized if enterprising men such as
H. E. Hooker had not managed to supply the needs of the
reservations as well as the public demand.5
Meanwhile the fame of Arizona's unequaled grazing fa-
cilities had been widely spread. Hundreds of emigrants were
coming into the new cow country to begin an experimental
exploitation of the luxuriant grasslands, which would even-
tually culminate in the deterioration of the range.
Though very little livestock found a market outside the
territory in the 1870's, there is evidence of there having
been much activity. The Citizen frequently reported ship-
ments of hides by wagon trains to the railroad terminal at
Yuma. The July 17, 1875, issue listed a shipment by Tully,
Ochoa and Company of two hundred hides, and it was esti-
mated that 5,000 hides had been shipped from Tucson alone
during the first half of the year.6
In 1877, Governor A. P. K. Saff ord stated that stock rais-
ing had become one of the leading industries, with thousands
of cattle having been imported from neighboring states and
2. Arizona. Citizen, January 27, 1872.
8. Ibid., May 11, 1872.
4. Ibid., January 27. 1872.
6. Ibid., July 5. 1873.
6. Ibid., July 17, 1876.
206 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
territories.7 Drouth conditions in California had caused the
shipment of cattle from that state. The reduction of rail-
road rates to Yuma for suffering stock, not fat cattle, expe-
dited the movement. From Yuma the animals, many of good
American breed, were brought up the Gila and spread over
the valleys of southern Arizona.8
Thus, from about 1876 to 1880 the cattle business ex-
tended rapidly. Although the largest individual herd was
Hooker's Texas cattle, the majority of the cattle were of the
Mexican breeds, handled in small herds by Mexican
rancheros.9
The pioneers soon learned that the tablelands, foothills,
and valleys would never be used extensively for any purpose
other than grazing, and that agriculture would be confined
to valleys bordering the streams. In a paper of this nature,
it would not be feasible to expand fully on a technical de-
scription of the vegetation which attracted settlers in the
1870's. However, some knowledge of the botanical conditions
is necessary for a thorough understanding of the range cat-
tle industry.
Prior to the introduction of large herds, there was an
abundant plant growth everywhere.10 On the high plateaus
pine, brome, and western wheat grasses formed a continuous
covering on the ground. In the canyons and over the foothills
which surround the numerous mountain ranges were copious
vegetation consisting mainly of the renowned grama (white
grama, boutelona oligostachya, predominated in valleys and
on the high tablelands) and mesquite grasses. Shrubs and
bushes, filled with tangled growths of black grama (boute-
lona erispoda) , were found everywhere.
Below altitudes of four thousand feet, Indian wheat and
other winter annuals thrived, and the so-called "six weeks"
7. Message of Governor A. P. K. Safford to the Eighth Legislative Assembly of
the Eighth Territorial Legislature of Arizona, January 6, 1875 ; and to the Ninth Leg-
islative Assembly, January 1, 1877.
8. Arizona Citizen, April 28, 1877.
9. Clarence W. Gordon et aL, "Report on Cattle, Sheep and Swine, Supplementary
to Enumeration of Livestock on Farms in 1880," Tenth Census of the United States,
1880, p. 93.
10. J. J. Thornber, The Grazing Ranges of Arizona, University of Arizona Agri-
cultural Station Bulletin No. 65 (September 21, 1910), p. 335.
ARIZONA CATTLE INDUSTRY 207
grasses furnished summer and fall plants. In the moist val-
leys, tall sacaton grasses (muhlenbergia distichophylla) pre-
dominated and provided a protective soil covering which
prevented erosion by obstructing the run-off of water. Many
of the older settlers can remember when these flood plains
were intact and were characterized by rich grasses instead
of the scattered sage, greasewood, or mesquite so common
today.
The deterioration of Arizona's ranges seems to have been
contemporaneous with the development of ranching. Cattle
invariably cause erosion by destroying vegetation and by
forming channels for the passage of water.11 The primary
objective of cattlemen up to 1885 was numbers; overstock-
ing was the inevitable result of unrestricted use of the fed-
eral range for grazing purposes.
The formation of the arroyos in southern Arizona valleys
is spread over considerable time, and details of the process
have seldom been recorded. But the change from aggrada-
tion and the building of flood plains to channel-trenching
can be placed in the 1880's in most of the important valleys,
though many tributaries were not affected until the 1890's.
Since the changes were initiated at slightly different times
in the various localities, it seems imperative to trace the
early development of the cattle industry in each of the main
areas of settlement.
The Santa Cruz Valley was the center of the first Ameri-
can occupation. In 1869, at the time Hooker had left cattle
with the Papagos on the Baboquivari range, the firm of
Marsh and Driscoll brought four hundred Mexican cattle
from Sonora to a point on the Santa Cruz below Tucson,
where Indian and Mexican thieves took a heavy toll. By
1870 more than a dozen Mexicans were each running from
twenty to seventy-five head of cattle in the valley. Three
years later Don Sanf ord took up a water claim near Pantano
and stocked it with several hundred head from Texas.12
In that year it was estimated that there were at least
11. James T. Duce, "The Effect of Cattle on the Erosion of Canyon Bottoms,"
Science, XLVII. No. 1219 (May 10, 1918), p. 451.
12. Gordon, op. tit., p. 93.
208 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
two thousand head of horned cattle from Tucson to Sa-
huarita, a distance of about twenty miles.13 In the former
town, plans were maturing for the growing of stock in the
surrounding territory on a large and permanent scale. E. N.
Fish and D. A. Bennett, for example, made claim to a valu-
able stock site forty miles south and a little east of Tucson.14
By 1880 most of the old Mexican sites had been re-estab-
lished, and nearly every water claim adaptable to the busi-
ness had livestock. The largest ranches were American,
running on the average from 500 to 800 cattle each. How-
ever, the majority of cattle owners were Mexican.15
The grasslands occupied during the 1870's in the Santa
Cruz Valley had a thick growth of sacaton and other vege-
tation which prevented the cutting of channels as the water
spread out during times of flood in a thin sheet over the
whole valley, doing no damage. Tules (bulrushes) grew in
boggy places, and large mesquite trees helped to protect
the soil.16 But as cattle were brought in, the range was over-
stocked and unable to stop either the floods or the resultant
process of erosion after the mid-1880's.
Brief mention should be made also of settlements in
regions near the Santa Cruz. To the west were isolated
ranches along the Arivaca Creek, the adjacent mesa lands
and foothills having been almost untouched before 1880. In
the early 1870's a Doctor Wilbur had about two hundred
cattle there, and Pedro Aguirre had a small herd. In 1877,
N. W. Bernard began dividing his time between a small
ranch and a country store at Arivaca. A year later John W.
Bogen arrived and formed a partnership with Bernard
which eventually evolved into the Arivaca Land and Cattle
company.17 In the nearby Sopori area, Juan and Tomas Elias
13. Arizona Citizen, October 4, 1873.
14. Ibid., October 18, 1873.
15. Gordon, op. cit., p. 95.
16. See Kirk Bryan, Erosion and Sedimentation in the Papago Country, Arizona,
U. S. Geological Survey, Bulletin No. 730, 1922, p. 177; Volney M. Spauldingr, Diatri-
button and Movements of Desert Plants, Carnegie Institution of Washington Publica-
tion No. 113, 1909, p. 9 ; and Sen. Doc. No. 973, 62 Cong., 3d Sess., pp. 8-32. For a
description of the Santa Cruz flood plain about 1700 see Herbert E. Bolton, Kino't
Historical Memoirs of Pimeria Alta (ed. 1919), I, pp. 122, 178, 205-206, 236.
17. Gordon, op. cit., p. 95 ; Richard H. Williams, "History of the Cattle Industry
in Pima County," Proceedings of the Thirteenth Annual Meeting of the Arizona Cattle
ARIZONA CATTLE INDUSTRY 209
had between six and seven hundred cattle in the 1870's, and
Bustamente had fifty or sixty.18 Farther up the Santa Cruz
Valley, the outfit of Pusch and Zellweger began operation
about 1874 in the west foothills of the Catalinas at Steam
Pump, north of Tucson.19
Other development occured east of the Santa Cruz where
several Mexicans were located. In the Rincon district Emilio
Carrillo had over four hundred cattle on the Tanque Verde,
and Joaquin Tellez grazed a herd in the Rincon Mountains.
Manuel Amado was also a prominent cattleman in the dis-
trict, the town of Amado being named after him.
The Rillito Valley (a tributary of the Santa Cruz) is
another region which was once covered with a good growth
of grass. The river course was indefinite and lined by an
almost continuous growth of cottonwood, ash, walnut, and
willow trees. These conditions prevailed until after 1872
at which time the United States Army post was moved from
Tucson to Ft. Lowell, near which natural grass could be cut
for hay. A few years of such cropping, as well as over-
grazing by cattle that were brought in during the 1870's,
resulted in the destruction of root grasses. The general effect
of settlement was to increase the rapidity of run-off and thus
the length of dry seasons. The stage was set for the drastic
erosion of the 1890's.20
East of the Santa Rita Mountains is a broad, rolling
tract bounded by the Sierra Colorado on the north, the
Whetstone Mountains in the east, and the Patagonia and
Huachuca chain on the south. This was the second general
area of occupation. The region has few streams of conse-
quence, but is fortunate in having permanent water at the
base of the Santa Ritas. There are also many scattered
natural reservoirs which temporarily hold rain water.
Grower*' Association, 1920, p. xi. For change in the flood plain of Arivaca Valley,
contrast reports of Lt. Michler (Wm. H. Emory, Report on United States and Mexican
Boundary Survey, 1857, I, p. 119) and Major David Ferguson (Sen. Exec. Doc. No. 1,
pp. 1-22, 1863) with that of Bryan, op. tit., p. 342.
18. Ibid. p. Xi.
19. Ibid.
20. George E. P. Smith, Groundwater Supply and Irrigation in the Rillito Valley,
University of Arizona Agricultural Experiment Station Bulletin No. 64 (May 12,
1910), pp. 97-98.
210 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Never-failing springs insure a supply during periods of
drouth. So in spite of the harsh winter winds and the power-
ful summer heat, several of the largest cattle ranches of the
territory were located on these cienega lands. Among them
were the Empire Ranch which in 1880 grazed over five
thousand cattle, and the Cienega Ranch where about a thou-
sand cattle were kept along with twenty-three thousand
sheep.21
The Empire was started in 1876 when Walter L. Vail
and H. R. Bishop bought the small Fish Ranch near Ft.
Crittenden.22 The ranch consisted of only 160 acres at the
time, with a four-room adobe house and a large corral which
was built with adobe walls eighteen inches thick. A young
English investor named John N. Harvey soon joined the
firm, which was then called Vail, Hislop, and Harvey. The
neighboring stockmen gave it the sobriquet "English Boys"
since Hislop was also from England.
One of their first land purchases arose from an inherent
dislike for sheepmen. Some sheep were located two miles
east of the ranch in the Cienega Valley, and the new firm
bought both the land and stock in order to be rid of the
neighbor. The sheep were traded to one "Yankee Miller" as
part payment on eight hundred Texas cows which the trader
had driven from the Pecos Valley in New Mexico.23
Edward L. Vail, Walter's brother, described the Cienega
region around Pantano as being a succession of meadows
thickly covered with sacaton and salt grass in 1880. The
mesquite had not yet taken over the country, but grew in the
gulches and checked erosion.24
The valley of the Sonoita (a tributary of the Santa Cruz)
and the Babocomari (a tributary of the San Pedro) were
also favored with natural reservoirs. The former had sev-
eral partially irrigated farms which furnished neighboring
mines with grain and hay.25 The Babocomari Valley proved
21. Gordon, op. rit., p. 95.
22. Arizona, Citizen, August 26, 1876.
28. See the Vail file in the Arizona Pioneers' Historical Society.
24. See Reminiscences of Edward L. Vail, in ms. form at the Arizona Pioneers'
Historical Society.
25. Gordon, op. cit., p. 95.
ARIZONA CATTLE INDUSTRY 211
very suitable for stock because of its excellent grass and
plentiful water supply.
By 1880 the San Pedro Valley, extending north from the
Sonora line to the Gila River, was occupied by scattered
herds belonging mainly to Mexicans, Mormons, and cattle-
men from Texas and California. The Mexicans brought a
number of small herds about 1873-1874, and the Mormons
with a few dairy animals established a colony below the
Tombstone crossing in 1876.26 About three years later Dan
Murphey, one of the biggest California cattle owners,
reached the lower San Pedro with a fine herd consisting
mainly of Durhams and Devons. These animals, which num-
bered about three hundred in 1880, were shipped to Yuma
and thence driven overland to the ranch near Mammoth.
Murphey intended to use them for improving the Mexican
longhorns on a large land grant which he had recently pur-
chased in the State of Durango, Mexico, but the Pesquero
trouble in that country changed his original plan. Walter
L. Vail paid $100 (a considerable amount then) for one
of the bulls,27 and the entire herd was sold shortly afterward.
In 1880 the holdings in the San Pedro were mostly of from
fifty to 250 head each, the notable exceptions being two
Texan herds, one of 2,500 in the Mule Pass and the other
of 3,600 on the Babocomari Ranch located on the tributary
of the same name.28 The first was owned by John H. Slaugh-
ter, who later moved to San Bernardino Springs.
Erosion came later in the San Pedro Valley than in most
of the others. Progressive deterioration began in the 1880's,
and by 1892 the head water fall of the river had cut the
boundaries of the San Juan de las Boquillas y Nogales grant.
The valley, originally covered by sacaton grass and groves
of trees, was changed into a forest of mesquite by the arroyo-
cutting process.29
In the southeastern part of the territory west of the
Dos Cabezas and Chiricahua Mountains was another center
26. Ibid.
27. See Reminiscences of Mr. E. O. Stratton, ms. Arizona Pioneers' Historical
Society ; also Reminiscences of Edward L. Vail, op. cit.
28. Gordon, op. cit., p. 95.
29. Bryan, op. cit., p. 341.
212 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
of settlement. The Sulphur Springs Valley, about twenty
miles wide and fifty to sixty miles long, was known as
"Playas de los Pimas" in Spanish records. In 1880 the valley
was described as being particularly adapted to the grazing
of range cattle because of its location, climate, abundance
of forage, and freedom from the damaging brushy chap-
arral. The only drawback was the deficiency of water, but
by the above date the natural springs and cienegas were
furnishing sufficient water for over eighteen thousand cat-
tle. The ranch sites were usually ten to fifteen miles apart
and located in the foothills of the mountain chains surround-
ing the valley ; the extent of the ranges was determined by
the possession of water that controlled all nearby grazing.
Among the early settlers who took up water claims and
commenced operations between 1873 and 1878 were Bran-
nick Riggs and the firm of Steele and MacKenzie, each hav-
ing several hundred cattle of the Texas breed.30 Though
Mexican cattle were more numerous, the largest single herd
in 1880 was that of Colonel Hooker on the Sierra Bonita ; it
consisted of some 5,500 head, mainly Texans. Hooker was
undoubtedly the cattle king of his day, having gotten his
start through government contracts. His ranch, established
in 1872 north of the Chiricahua Indian Reservation some
ten miles from Camp Grant, comprised approximately
twenty-five square miles of rolling valley and mesa lands.31
Hooker early saw the value of improving his breeding
stock and of raising supplemental feed. By 1874 he had sown
considerable blue grass and clover seed, and stacked two
hundred tons of fine clover hay.32 The construction of strong
corrals and windmill in 1876 furnish further examples of the
initiative of this enterprising cattleman.83
Perhaps the least desirable area of settlement was that
which extended westward from Agua Caliente for some
thirty miles along the lower Gila. In 1880 not more than
eight hundred meat cattle grazed on the impoverished
80. Gordon, op. cit., p. 96.
81. Arizona Miner, December 7, 1877 ; Arizona Citizen, December 19, 1874.
82. Arizona Citizen, December 19, 1874.
88. Ibid., August 12, 1876.
ARIZONA CATTLE INDUSTRY 213
ranges there. These animals belonged to some half dozen
settlers located at the most favored spots near the river
banks where the only permanent water was available. The
majority of animals which fed on the "six weeks" gietta and
salt grasses interspersed between frequent mesas of sand
and gravel were full of half-breed Mexican cattle, though
one California herd was imported in 1877. Really only the
small, hardy Mexican cattle could thrive on the desert bor-
der. The stock were often reduced in numbers by alkali
present in the water or salt grasses, and by Indian thefts.
One rancher who transferred his 350 cattle from the Gila
to southeastern Arizona reported the Indians had stolen
many of his animals.
Before about 1880 the Gila channel from the Santa Cruz
junction to Yuma was narrow, with firm banks bordered by
cottonwoods and willows, but by the early 1900's it occupied
a sandy waste from a quarter to a half-mile wide.34 Mr. John
Montgomery, an Arlington rancher, attributed the change to
the practice of cattlemen of burning the heavy brush that
once covered the banks in order to drive out wild cattle.
Thus the unprotected surface was exposed to rapid erosion.
In summarizing the evidence presented for the different
valleys, no conclusion can be reached except that the range
country was misused. David Griffiths, the botanist of the
Arizona Agricultural Experiment Station, sent a circular
letter to cattlemen of the Territory in 1901 corroborating
the contention that the public ranges of southern Arizona
were once comparatively productive, and that deterioration
accompanied overstocking.35 It is unfortunate that little was
known about conservation in the early days.
It was during the early 1880's that most of the better
grazing lands were apportioned and the Arizona ranges be-
came fully stocked. The completion of the Southern Pacific
Railroad through Arizona in 1881 opened up the country to
34. Clyde P. Ross, The Lower Gila Region, Arizona — A Geographical and Hydro-
logic Reconnaissance with a Guide to Desert Watering Places, United States Geological
Survey Water Supply Paper No. 498, pp. 64-67, 94-95, 1923.
35. David Griffiths, Range Improvement in Arizona, United States Department
of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry Bulletin No. 4, 1901, p. 9.
214 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
capitalists at home and abroad.36 Thousands of cattle were
subsequently imported from Mexico, Utah, and Texas.
Shipments from the latter state were especially nu-
merous because of the enactment of the Texas land laws of
1879 and 1883, which initiated a mandatory leasing system
providing for the payment of nominal fees ; the new system
was criticized adversely by stock raisers who preferred free
and unrestricted grazing farther west. The only check on
the Texas movement resulted from apprehension over the
prevalence of Texas cattle fever in the summer of 1884.37
It was feared that the disease might be communicated to
the cattle of the territory. The acting governor of the Ari-
zona territory therefore forbade the admission of Texas
cattle for a limited period.
Statistics given in the annual reports of the territorial
governors show that the number of cattle increased greatly
in the southern counties of the territory.38 But several years
elapsed before a surplus was available for export. Not until
after the boom collapsed in 1885 was the railroad utilized
for marketing beef outside the territory. Before that time,
railroad construction companies, government posts, miners
and local butchers furnished the principal markets for ani-
mals which were sold.39 In 1881, for example, three-year-old
cattle were worth, on the average, $15 per head; two-year
olds, $10 per head; and yearlings about $6.40 By 1883 the
average price had advanced to $30.
As indicated above, the time of reckoning arrived in
1885. Overstocking the range had destroyed the grass to
the point that the severe summer drouth of that year re-
sulted in a heavy mortality among cattle. With drastic losses
facing them, a group of cattlemen, headed by Dan Ming, met
at Willcox to pray for rain as a general air of discourage-
ment fell upon the territory.41
36. Report of the Governor of Arizona to the Secretary of Interior, 1898. p. 21.
Other reports of the governor cited in this paper were likewise made to the Secretary
of Interior.
37. Ibid., 1884. p. 624.
38. Ibid., 1881. et. teq.
89. J. Wayne Stark, Marketing Arizona Beef Cattle, p. 2. University of Arizona
thesis. Also see Clifton Clarion, November 25, 1885.
40. Report of the Governor of Arizona, 1881, p. 927.
41. Will C. Barnes, "Cowpunching Forty Years Ago" (Address before the
ARIZONA CATTLE INDUSTRY 215
A drop in prices added to disastrous conditions. Cattle
that had been valued at from $30 to $35 sold for $10 or less
in 1885. On November 25, 1885, the Cameron brothers
shipped six hundred three- and four-year-old graded steers,
averaging 1,100 pounds, from the Huachuca Station.42 The
average price of $27.50 was low, considering that most of
the animals were high grade shorthorns; but the dry and
depleted ranges necessitated a sweeping reduction of stock.
F. H. Watts and many others were forced to follow the same
policy of selling their steers as feeders at greatly reduced
prices to California, Kansas, and Montana purchasers. The
long drouth was general and affected all. Cattlemen would
often pool their stock for sales volume. Such was the case
with Atchley, Crowley, Meliz, and Acton who in December,
1887, drove 500 head of cattle to Tucson from the San Pedro
Valley for shipment to Los Angeles.43
The result of this heavy marketing was the removal of
all fat cattle from the range by June, 1886. Since that time
the ranches of southern Arizona have been devoted to breed-
ing purposes. An agreement recorded with the county re-
corder on May 23, 1887, illustrates the changed range policy.
D. A. MacNeil and F. L. Moore transferred their stock and
the S. U. brand to Jacob Scheerer for five years on the
condition that when practicable the male cattle should be
sold and the proceeds used in the acquisition of female stock.
Until 1892 the generally accepted policy was to retain
all she stock and sell range-grown three-year-old steers. At
that time, however, northern buyers refused to accept the
three's unless the two's could also be purchased.44 In 1890
the average age of marketed range cattle was 2.18 years.
Ten years later it had been decreased to 1.63 years.45 The
Twenty-fifth Annual Convention of the Arizona Cattle Growers' Association), Weekly
Market Report and News Letter, X, No. 6 (February 10, 1931).
42. Arizona Daily Star, November 25, 1885.
43. Tombstone Prospector, December 17, 1887.
44. Colin Cameron, "Report on Cattle," Report of the Governor of Arizona, 1896,
p. 22.
45. Address of Richard H. Williams, "Quality versus Numbers in Range Cattle,"
Proceedings of the Ninth Annual Meeting of the Arizona Cattle Growers' Association,
1916, p. 38.
216 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
age has been lowered until now the raising of calves or
yearlings is followed almost altogether.
With the dependence of cattlemen on the railroads for
transportation, a number of difficulties arose. Not the least
important were the high freight rates and the inadequate
cattle cars. In 1886 the Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe
offered some help by promising a $10 per car reduction to
points east of Kansas City. Yet rates from various stations
in southern Arizona to Kansas City, St. Louis, and Chicago
continued to be relatively high.46
By 1890 the Southern Pacific Company had decided that
the cattlemen of southern Arizona could stand a raise in
shipping rates. Tariff schedules to certain California des-
tinations were increased twenty-five per cent. Since cattle
were selling at low prices, the ranchmen protested vigor-
ously on the grounds that the animals being shipped were
not beef, but yearling steers that required fattening in
California before their owners could realize any sizeable
return.47 However, the San Francisco office refused to com-
promise, undoubtedly thinking that Arizona ranchers were
compelled to transport their animals by rail. But such was
not the case.
In January, 1890, Walter L. Vail and his new partner
from California, C. W. Gates, were advised by their fore-
man, Tom Turner (who had trailed herds from south Texas
to Dodge City) , to drive their cattle overland to California.
Accordingly on January 29, 1890, the drive began with a
herd comprising some nine hundred steers ; the venture was
precarious, considering the nature of the cattle and the ter-
rain crossed. Near Casa Grande occurred the worst stam-
pede of the journey, some 150 of the herd running away to
46. Clifton Clarion, December 16, 1886. The following table shows the rates from
various shipping points to the marketing centers : fo
From Kansas City St. Louis Chicago
Willcox $145.00 $175.00 $190.00
Benson 149.50 175.00 194.50
Pantano 151.50 181.50 196.50
Tucson 154.50 184.50 199.50
Huachuca 155.05 185.00 200.00
47. Tombstone Prospector, March 24, 1888. Large numbers of such animals were
shipped; in 1887 alone the Southern Pacific carried twenty thousand worth $600,000
from the territory.
ARIZONA CATTLE INDUSTRY 217
the Pima Indian Reservation where their recovery met some
opposition. Some twenty-five or thirty were lost for lack of
forage before the Warner Ranch was reached. Yet an aver-
age of $4 per animal was saved.48
Other resourceful Arizona cattlemen joined the cattle-
driving movement in defiance of railroad extortion. In De-
cember, 1890, George W. Lang started a herd of one thou-
sand on the journey which he expected would take seventy
days in all. With total expenses running between $1 and
$1.50 per animal, Lang expected to add over $4,000 to his
profit, since the railroad rates were $90 per car with fifty
to sixty cars being required to move the cattle.49 Colonel
W. C. Land, cattle king of Benson, drove three thousand
feeders and stockers the same year. He estimated that it
was $3 per head cheaper to drive the cattle than to ship
them by rail.60
However, the railroads proved more co-operative in
other matters. By the early 1890's, for example, they were
beginning to introduce improved cars in which cattle could
be fed and watered, and the new cars were separated into
compartments. An experiment with the new Burton car in
1886 showed an average saving of two days' traveling time
from Arizona to Kansas City as well as 135 pounds per
head, which at the time represented over $4. To this amount
could be added twenty to thirty-five cents per hundred-
weight because of the better preserved condition of the
animals.51 Unfortunately, however, the companies were slow
to make general use of the Burton, Newell, and other im-
proved cars.
Even with adequate railroad transportation at fair rates,
the plight of the Arizona stockmen would have been serious
in the late 1880's. The cattle of Texas, New Mexico, Colo-
rado, and western Kansas were glutting the eastern mar-
kets; since a quarantine existed in the northern states
48. Edward L. Vail, "The Diary of a Desert Trail," Texasland— The Pioneer
Magazine. VI, No. 7 (May, 1926), p. 5.
49. Arizona Daily Star, December 3, 1890.
50. Ibid., December 6, 1890.
51. Letter from Erskine R. Merrill, General Agent of Burton Stock Car Company
to Colonel M. M. Taylor, Chairman, Committee of Transportation, Cattle Growers'
Convention, Kansas City, Mo. ; House Misc. Doc. No. 139, 50 Cong., 2 Sess., p. 334.
218 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
against animals from the "Lone Star State," the competition
was mainly in the East. For that reason the Stock Growers'
Association of Southern Arizona in 1887 appointed a com-
mittee consisting of John Slaughter, Brewster Cameron, and
C. M. Bruce to investigate the possibility of putting a trail
through from southern Arizona to Wyoming and Montana.52
Already in 1886, Carson and Company of Apache County
had demonstrated the practicability of such a route by driv-
ing 1,800 head of steers to Montana; no difficulty was
encountered at any time in securing water and grass for
feeding purposes.63
Although the committee of three made a favorable re-
port, no large number of cattle was ever sent northward on
the hoof. However, there were occasional rail shipments. In
1893, for example, J. M. Holt, a Montana buyer, purchased
$60,000 worth of cattle in the vicinity of Tucson ; shipment
of the five thousand head was spread over ten days, a train-
load of twenty cars leaving each day.54 Four years later
Brady and Levin contracted to supply Frank Benton of
Cheyenne, Wyoming, with seven thousand range cattle from
the San Pedro Valley.55 Thus the desperation of cattlemen
for markets in the late 1880's resulted in the acquisition of
a permanent market for large numbers of livestock.
Two general trends can be noted in the cattle industry
during the late 1880's as the result of the depression. First
was the tendency toward the consolidation of small holdings
into companies; and secondly, the development of artificial
water. The Sierra Bonita Land and Cattle Company was
formed by H. C. Hooker, M. W. Stewart, and Fred Chamber-
lain in the Sulphur Springs Valley in 1887.56 Another similar
organization was the Tombstone Land and Cattle Company
which began operations in the same year. According to the
articles of incorporation, the company was formed to pur-
chase and sell land for cattle ranges and water rights, as
well as to raise and market cattle. A third of the $100,000
52. Tombstone Prospector, April 5, 1887.
63. Ibid., May 19, 1887.
64. Oasis, June 8, 1893.
66. Ibid., January 9, 1897.
66. Tombstone Prospector, April 6, 1887.
ARIZONA CATTLE INDUSTRY 219
capitalization was subscribed by John Volz, Peter Volz,
Joseph Pascholy, Ernst Stom, F. A. Abbott and Adam Bing
on May 18 when the articles were signed. Many of the
smaller stock growers in the foothills of the Dos Cabezas
and Chiricahua Mountains took shares in the Washington
Cattle Company of West Virginia.57 The Arivaca Land and
Cattle Company was also an example of the consolidations.
With all natural water supplies claimed, cattlemen were
compelled to develop artificial sources. By 1888 the Chirica-
hua Cattle Company had a number of wells from which all
the water needed was obtained. The steam pump on their
west well drew fifteen thousand gallons an hour; the north
well, 125 feet deep, had a twenty-foot windmill ; other wind-
mills twenty, sixteen, and fourteen feet in height were being
erected on other parts of the range.58 As early as 1880,
ranches in the Sulphur Springs Valley had become destitute
of water and various measures were instituted to meet the
needs of cattle; wells were dug, natural tanks scraped out,
and piping constructed from foothill springs.59 Much private
capital was expended throughout the territory to bring the
water into close proximity to grasses, and yet as late as 1893
the territorial governor reported a great mortality among
the weaker classes of cattle because of the great distances
between food and water.60
A new phase of the industry was enhanced in the 1880's,
namely, the fattening of cattle within the state. Although
the Salt River Valley north of the Gila had been utilized for
the purpose as early as 1877, it was not until cottonseed
products were available that feeding was conducted on a
large scale. Some advances were made in the late 1880's.
Since there was no home market and freight rates were
prohibitively high about 1887, alfalfa hay rotted in the
57. Ibid., March 24, 1888. Large cattle companies which were in existence during
the early part of the decade were the San Simon Cattle Company ; Tevis, Perrin, Land
and Company (Cochise and Pima Counties) ; Whitbeck Cattle Company (Cochise) ;
Santa Rita Cattle Company (Pima) ; Calabasas Land and Mining Company (Pima) ;
Whetstone and San Pedro Land and Cattle Company (Cochise) ; and the Chiricahua
Cattle Company (Cochise and Graham).
58. Ibid., December 28, 1888.
59. Gordon, op. tit., p. 97.
60. Report of the Governor, 1893, p. 20.
220 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
fields. The recently-completed branch line of the Southern
Pacific from Maricopa to Phoenix had brought in a few
cattle, but the winter was exceptionally wet and the steers
improved very little. A year later, however, a number of
the more enterprising ranchers sent larger numbers, be-
lieving that the alfalfa country could be adapted to the
fattening of cattle.
Colonel H. C. Hooker drove twelve thousand young steers
to the Hatch Ranch in the fall of 1888 to prepare them for
the San Francisco market; he purchased approximately a
thousand tons of hay to feed the animals should occasion
arise. The expense incurred in driving the herd from
Graham County was relatively low — $395 for barley, hay,
and twelve days' labor. Thus it is seen that the more remote
sections of the country were accessible to the rich valleys.61
In December of that same year, Colin Cameron drove
an equal number of cattle to the Maricopa County fields to
be fattened.12 A few days later Walter L. Vail sent seventeen
cars of cattle to pasture on lands of the Stinton, Pritt, Lewis,
and adjoining ranches near Tempe.63 Records of cattle ship-
ments from the central Arizona valleys indicate a rapid in-
crease in numbers being fed there.
One of the most encouraging features of the livestock
industry in the early days was the co-operation of those
engaged in beef production. On August 17, 1878, the Terri-
torial Stock Raisers' Association under the leadership of
J. J. Gosper was organized so that mutual aid and informa-
tion on strayed stock could be rendered to all concerned,
ideas exchanged, and a compilation of brand descriptions
made.64
Another noteworthy feature was the introduction of
blooded animals and the grading of cattle. The first cattle
brought in were of inferior stock and could perhaps be
categorized into three distinct types, exclusive of the mid-
nineteenth century "wild cattle."65 The so-called "Texans"
61. Arizona Weekly Enterprise, November 17, 1888.
62. Tombstone Prospector, December 26. 1888.
63. Ibid., December 28, 1888.
64. Weekly Arizona Miner, August 23, 1878.
65. Williams, op. cit., p. 87.
ARIZONA CATTLE INDUSTRY 221
of Spanish origin were of mixed colors, though patches of
white were quite common ; their horns were thin and twisted
backward ; they were tall, gaunt and long-legged with large
hoofs and a thick, coarse head ; little use of them for breed-
ing purposes could be made, since crossing with better ani-
mals resulted in wild and not very prolific hybrids.
The strictly Mexican animals were smaller than the
"Texans," more bony, and also not very easily improved by
purebreds; the predominant color was black and white,
though brindles as well as buckskin and calico colors were
not uncommon. The best cattle available were the "Chino"
or "Curly-haired Texans" which were fleshier and better
formed, with a smooth conformation and horns of medium
size; as breeding animals they were excellent; the Chino's
color resembled the brownish hue of the buffalo, though the
undercoat had a bluish tinge after the spring shedding of
the long, curly hair.
Even with their desirable range qualities, these hardy
Mexican cattle were inferior to the standards set by indus-
trious cattlemen. The range system of grazing, where all
the stock of all owners grazed in common on the public
domain, prevented early and rapid herd improvement since
no cattleman wanted to buy bulls to improve his own and
his neighbor's herds. But there were scattered and steady
importations of better breeds. In 1873 J. W. Roberts of Fort
Worth, Texas, brought seven Durhams to Arizona from
Lincoln County, New Mexico, along with two thousand other
beeves.66
Mention has been made of Hooker's imported herds of
purebred stock. It is contended by some that he brought the
first improved herd into Arizona. Regardless of the truth
of the matter, however, it is certain that the Sierra Bonita
proprietor was very much interested in better breeds of all
kinds. In 1874 and 1876, high-graded bulls of the shorthorn
and Devon breeds were brought to the ranch from New
Mexico, coming originally from Illinois.67 For the most part,
66. Arizona Citizen, October 4, 1873.
67. Gordon, op. cit., p. 97.
222 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Hooker considered a good half-breed animal most profitable,
since losses in the acclimatization of purebreds were heavy.
In August, 1875, the Saxe Brothers sold two Kentucky
shorthorn heifers to G. D. Roberts for $1,800, one heifer
to F. P. F. Temple of Los Angeles for $650, and one bull
to M. P. Manning for $700. Mr. Mart Maloney also pur-
chased a blooded shorthorn bull from them.68 Another
example of the introduction of purebreds is the acquisition
by Marsh and Driscoll of fourteen head of Devon cows aver-
aging $62.50 per head in November, 1878.69
The owners of improved stock mentioned here represent
but a fractional part of all the Arizona ranchers who
realized the advantages of better breeds. Stockmen were
learning that it cost no more to feed and market a good
twelve hundred pound steer than to condition a "scrub"
which would not weigh half as much. The greatest and most
noticeable improvement, of course, came in the 1880's with
the introduction of Heref ords. The "white faces" were found
to be most suitable for the arid climate. They are essentially
grass-fattening animals which proved to have all the vigor
and endurance of native cattle. They sold as well in the beef
market and better as feeders than did the other breeds.70
Among the early Hereford breeders were Colin Cameron
of the San Rafael Ranch and H. C. Hooker. In the early
1880's Cameron imported some of the purebreds to his ranch
east of Nogales71 In November, 1887, the Sierra Bonita
rancher unloaded two carloads consisting of forty-three
bulls, all entered in the American Hereford Record ; the ship-
ment was from the T. C. Miller Company of Beecher, Illinois,
the oldest Hereford breeders in the United States.72 About
the same time, the Thoroughbred Cattle Company was im-
porting well-bred animals to Benson and other southern
Arizona localities.73 Some of their customers were the Rich
68. Arizona Citizen, August 28 and September 11, 1875.
69. Arizona Star, November 14, 1878.
70. Report of the Governor, 1893, pp. 23-24.
71. Matt Culley, "Good Range Cattle," Arizona Cattle-log, I, No. 10 (June, 1946),
pp. 3-6.
72. Tombstone Epitaph, November 6, 1887.
73. Tombstone Prospector, April 9, 1887 and February 19, 1888.
ARIZONA CATTLE INDUSTRY 223
Brothers and the Stein's Peak Cattle Company of the San
Simon Valley, Proctor Brothers of the Munson Cienega, and
S. E. Heaton of Teviston. By the 1890's such breeders as
Cameron had graded animals for sale. In December, 1897,
the San Rafael owner sold his cull calves for $100 each. Ekey
and Beckwith, upper Santa Cruz ranchmen, were able to
purchase seven registered Hereford bulls from him.74
Another method of breed improvement, namely, spaying,
was occasionally used. In 1887 the Erie Cattle Company, to
give one example, hired J. S. Shipman of Cottonwood Falls,
Kansas, to spay a thousand off -colored and Mexican heifers.
The cows then fattened quickly, and the herds were effec-
tually culled.75
The quality of cattle continued to improve until by 1889
the territorial governor was able to report that few herds
could be found, except along the international border, that
did not show a high degree of improvement. Arizona cattle
continued to improve rapidly after 1890, with the exception
of a brief period during the second Cleveland administration
when Mexican cattle were admitted duty free.76 These cattle,
however, produced an inferior carcass which brought at
least a cent a pound less than most Arizona beeves.77
The narrative of the early ranching in southern Arizona
would be incomplete without mention of the Indian depreda-
tions which continued, until 1886, to be an important retard-
ing factor in the expansion of the cattle industry. Sup-
posedly the subjugation of the Apaches and the death of
Cochise in 1874 culminated in amicable relations for all time,
and control over the Indian reservations was accordingly
transferred from the War to the Interior Department. The
expected peace apparently prevailed throughout the terri-
tory until June, 1876, at which time the Apaches of the
Chiricahua Reservation were transferred to the White
Mountain Reservation.78 Many rebelled and left the reserva-
tion to raid the settlements.
74. Oasis, December 11, 1897 and January 1, 1898.
75. Tombstone Epitaph, December 24, 1887.
76. Williams, op. cit., p. 38.
77. Report of the Governor, 1893, p. 38.
78. Arizona Citizen, September 25, 1875.
224 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Among many complaints from cattlemen because of the
outrages was one from Sam Hughes who reported in Sep-
tember that the Sonoita, Santa Cruz, and San Rafael dis-
tricts were losing large numbers of cattle. The Apaches
would kill a beef when in need, he said, and leave the balance
to spoil.79 During 1877 the roving bands increased in size,
and conducted raids under the leadership of Victorio and
Geronimo until the former was finally killed in 1880. A short
period of inactivity ensued, but in April, 1882, a group of
one hundred warriors and four hundred other Indians de-
parted from the San Carlos reservation for the Sierra
Madre Mountains in Mexico, from which they conducted
forays into southeastern Arizona after March of the fol-
lowing year. At the time of the outbreak the citizens of Pima
County raised $11,000 to put fifty men into the field.80 This
force, however, had no permanent effect, and the task of
subduing the Indians once again fell upon the Federal
Government.
Legal prosecution of the Indians was facilitated by a
Congressional act of March 1, 1885, which conferred juris-
diction upon territorial courts.81 Yet provision for covering
the expenses of the courts was not made until March 2,
1889.82
Federal troops were sent against the natives in 1885, and
soon forced Geronimo to surrender. But even then, sixteen
more months of intensified depredations had to be endured ;
and not until August, 1886, was General Nelson A. Miles
successful in bringing about Geronimo's second surrender
and the removal of the Chiricahua and Hot Springs Apaches
to Florida by an order of the Department of Interior dated
December 5, 1885. Pima, Cochise and Graham Counties had
suffered materially from Indian hostilities and, in spite of
the drouth, the assessed valuations of 1886 exceeded those
of the previous year as a direct result of the restoration of
peace.*
s:s
79. Ibid., September 23, 1876.
80. Report of the Governor, 1883, p. 11.
81. 23 Statutes at Large, p. 385.
82. 25 Statutes at Large, p. 1004.
83. Report of the Governor, 1886, p. 3.
CHECKLIST OF NEW MEXICO PUBLICATIONS
By WILMA LOY SHELTON
(Continued)
* Proclamations
1847
Jan. 5 — Carlos Bent. Gobernador del Territorio de Nuevo Mejico,
a sus habitantes. Santa Fe.
(a proclamation which attempts to allay suspicions toward
the government recently established in N. M. by U. S. forces)
Feb. 22 — Donaciano Vigil, Governador Interino del Territorio de
Nuevo Mejico, a los Habitantes del Mismo.
(a proclamation authorizing the capture of the effects of
hostile Navajos and regulating the distribution of such
booty as may be seized by citizen forces)
1850
Apr. 23 — Proclamation. Given under my hand at the Government
House, in the city of Santa Fe, this 23rd day of April, A.D.
1850. John Munroe. Military & Civil Governor Territory
N. M.
A proclamation authorizing the election of delegates to a
constitutional convention.
May 28 — Proclamacion. Por cuanto que el Pueblo de Nuevo-Mejico
por sus Delegados en Combencion reunida hi-cieron una
Constitucion de Estado por Territorio de Nuevo Mejico . . .
Dado Bajo de me (m inverted) firma en la casa de Govierno,
Ciudad de Santa Fe el dia 28, de Mayo A.D. 1850. John Mun-
roe, Governador Civil & Militar del Territorio de N. M.
May 28 — Proclamation. Given under my hand at the Government
House, City Santa Fe, this 28th day of May A.D., 1850. John
Munroe, Civil and Military Governor Territory of N. M.
An election is proclaimed, to take place on June 1850, when
N. M. may register its approval or disapproval of the pro-
posed constitution.
1850
Proclamation. (Munroe) Broadside 12 9/16 x 8 5/16 in.
1851
Mar. 12 — Proclamation. Given under my hand at the Government
House, City Santa Fe, this 12th day of March, A.D., 1851.
James S. Calhoun By the Governor, H. N. Smith, Secretary
of the Territory.
* Only the first proclamation for each of several different legal holidays has been
listed ; for instance, the first proclamation for Arbor day is listed and not the subse-
quent ones.
225
226 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
(Santa Fe, 1851) Broadside 13% x 6% in. in two columns
(E&S)
Text in Spanish and English separated by upright rule. A
census is authorized.
Mar. 18 — Proclamation. James S. Calhoun, Governor of the Terri-
tory of New Mexico, To the People of Said Territory. Given
under my hand at the city of Santa Fe, this 18th day of
March A.D. 1851 James S. Calhoun, Governor.
Text in English and Spanish in parallel columns separated
by upright rule.
For protection against hostile Indians, military organiza-
tions are recommended.
Mar. 19 — Proclamation of Governor Calhoun to Pueblo Indians,
authorizing them to attack any tribe of Navajos that may
approach their towns. (E&S)
Apr. 23 — Election proclamation of Governor Calhoun, instructions
on same, etc. (E&S)
Aug. 2 — James S. Calhoun proclaims and ordained terms of courts.
(E&S)
Aug. 8 — Proclamation of Governor Calhoun for election of a dele-
gate to congress of U. S. (E&S)
Aug. 9 — Proclamation of James S. Calhoun for election of two
members of the House of Representatives to fill vacancies
occasioned by resignation of Ortiz and John R. Fullis.
Oct. 6 — Proclamation of James S. Calhoun for election to fill va-
cancy in office of Representative of Rio Arriba Co. by resig-
nation of J. A. Mansanares and C. Skinner in Valencia
County. (E&S)
Oct. 24 — (James S. Calhoun)
Organizing militia.
Oct. 28 — (James S. Calhoun)
Election in Rio Arriba co. to fill vacancy occasioned by resig-
nation of Ramon Vigil and Antonio Manzanares.
1852
June 29 — Proclamation ordering elections for one sheriff and three
justices of peace for towns of Dona Ana, Las Cruces, and
Fillmore to take place July 25, 1852 issued by (E. V. Sum-
ner Brvt. Col. U.S.A. in charge of executive office).
July 19— (E. V. Sumner)
Proclamation saying all offensive hostilities will cease on
the part of the whites against Apache Indians issued by
E. V. Sumner Brvt. Col. U.S.A. in charge of executive office.
1853
Sept. 21 — Proclamation by Gov. Meriwether, declaring Jose Man-
uel Gallegos elected as delegate to Congress.
CHECKLIST 227
1854
Jan. 27 — Election in Dona Ana to elect one probate judge for
county issued by David Meriwether.
Apr. 10 — Proclamation. Executive Office, Santa Fe, N. M. April
10, 1854. Whereas the tribe of Indians, known as the Jica-
rilla Apaches, have made war upon, and commenced hostili-
ties against, the government of the United States; . . .
William S. Messervy, Acting Governor and Super, of Indian
Af.
English and Spanish text separated by upright rule. Inter-
course with hostile Indians is forbidden.
Dec. 4 — Vacancy in Legislative council caused by death of Thomas
Ortiz election on Dec. 16 to fill vacancy issued by D. Meri-
wether.
1855
Jan. 24 — Proclamacion. For autoridad a me conferida por la ley
. . . Dada bajo mi firma y el sello del Territorio, en la ciu-
dad de Santa Fe, hoy dia 24 de Enero, A.D. 1855. D. Meri-
wether. Por el Governador, W. W. H. Davis, Secretario del
Territorio De Nuevo Mejico. (Santa Fe, 1855).
A proclamation calling for four companies of mounted vol-
unteers of from 50 to 100 men, each to serve for six months
in a campaign against hostile Indians. After the appoint-
ment of W. W. H. Davis as secretary of the Territory, his
name ceases to appear as an active partner in the publish-
ing of the Santa Fe Gazette.
Nov. 8— (W. W. H. Davis)
Election in Bernalillo co. to elect probate judge to fill un-
expired term of Julian Perea.
1856
Feb. 11— (W. W. H. Davis)
Order an election in said co. and vote on Mar. 31 for ap-
proval of common school law by Taos, Rio Arriba, Santa
Ana and Socorro by vote of said counties.
1857
Oct. 9— (W. W. H. Davis)
election to fill vacancy by death of Francisco Martinez y
Romero of Rio Arriba.
Oct. 10— (W. W. H. Davis)
election to fill vacancy caused by resignation of Jose Manuel
Gallegos.
Dec. 8 — (Abraham Rencher)
election in Taos caused by resignation of Vincente Romero.
1859
Proclamacion. Sepan todos que esta proclama vieren que yo
por virtud de la autoridad que me es con ferida por la ley,
ordeno que sera tenida una eleccion en los varies precintos
228 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
del condado de Santa Fe . . . Dado bajo mi mano y sello
del Condado en la prefectura de Santa Fe. Nuevo Mexico,
hoy dia 22 de Agosto de 1859. Antonio Matias Ortiz, Juez
de Pruebas.
(Abraham Rencher)
Election caused by resignation of Andre Anaya of Berna-
lillo co.
1860
Proclamacion. Del presidente de la Convencion general, al
pueblo de Nuevo Mejico. Caros conciudadanos. Jose L. Perea,
presidente de la convencion genrl. Santa Fe, Agosto 28, 1860.
Printed in double column.
Volunteers are requested for a campaign against the Nava-
jos.
Feb. 18 — (Abraham Rencher)
elections.
Mar. 31 — (Abraham Rencher)
Election in Dona Ana caused by resignation of Anastacio
Barela.
1861
Aug. 5 — Proclamation by Gov. Rencher, calling upon all citizens
to organize themselves into military companies for defense.
Sept. 9 — Proclamation by the Governor. Done at Santa Fe this 9th
day of September in the year eighteen hundred and sixty
one. By the Governor, Henry Connelly. M. A. Otero, Secre-
tary of N. M.
A proclamation calling out the militia against invaders from
the Confederate State of Texas.
1862
Aug. 15 — Proclama al pueblo de Nuebo Mejico. Enrique Connelly.
Sept. 4 — Enrique Connelly. Proclama al pueblo de Nuevo Mejico.
Sept. 14 — Proclamation by Gov. Connelly, on reorganization of
militia with view to campaign against Navajos.
1863
Mar. 26 — Proclamation of W. F. M. Arny, on counties of Arizona
and Dona Ana.
Aug. 20 — Proclamacion. Al pueblo del Nuevo Mejico. A proclama-
tion issued in anticipation of the admission of N. M. to the
Union.
Sept. 21 — Proclamation by Gov. Connelly, calling for volunteers
for regiment.
Oct. 28 — Election to fill vacancy occasioned by resignation of Jesus
Maria Baca of Santa Ana.
Nov. 27 — Henry Connelly, Governor and Commander-in-chief of
the militia ordered an immediate organization of the militia
for the purpose of repelling invasion from abroad and for
CHECKLIST 229
purpose of punishment and subjugating the savage enemies
within our limits.
1865
Mar. 23 — Proclamation of Gov. Connelly, setting aside Apr. 7 as
day of Thanksgiving for close of Indian war, etc.
1866
Feb. 2 — Proclamation by Gov. Connelly, calling election of dele-
gates to convention to form state constitution.
Feb. 2 — Proclamation asking probate judges call an election in
each precinct on 5th of March, 1866 for delegates to a con-
vention to frame a constitution.
Nov. 2 — Proclamation by Acting Governor W. F. M. Arny on In-
dian dangers and military matters. (E&S)
Nov. 20 — Proclamation by W. F. M. Arny authorizing the loan of
public arms. Acting governor.
1867
Apr. 14 — Proclamation of Gov. Mitchell, stating that peonage is
abolished.
Sept. 12 — Proclamation of Gov. Mitchell requesting all persons re-
frain from illegal trading with Indians.
1868
June 10 — Proclamation of Acting Governor Heath requesting all
civil officers aid in destroying peonage.
1869
Aug. 2 — Proclamation. Whereas R. B. Mitchell, Governor of the
Territory of New Mexico, did on the 2nd day of August
eighteen hundred and sixty nine issue his proclamation de-
claring the Navajo tribe of Indians outlaws . . . (Santa Fe,
1869)
Sept. 8 — Dated and signed at end: 8th day of September A.D.
1869. Wm. A. Pile, Governor.
Governor Mitchell's proclamation (no. 213) is modified. Only
marauding bands of Navajos are declared hostile, and peace-
able Indians upon their reservations are declared to be en-
titled to all possible protection.
Nov. 18 — Thanksgiving day proclamation by H. H. Heath dated
11/1/69.
1870
Jan. 10 — Asking arrest of persons engaged in riot at New Placer
Mines. Wm. A. Pile, governor.
1871
Apr. 19 — Proclamation requesting miners to return all arms and
other property belonging to Maxwell Land Grant and Rail-
way Company. Wm. A. Pile, governor.
Oct. 23 — Proclamation by H. Wetter, offering a reward of $1,500
for capture of three desperadoes.
230 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
1872
Apr. 2 — Proclamation calling for general election first Monday in
June, 1872 for the purpose of determining whether the
people in the territory are in favor of the constitution.
Feb. 28 — Proclamation by Governor Giddings, apportioning coun-
cil and House of representatives.
1874
Jan. 7 — Proclamation by Governor Giddings, offering a reward of
$500 for apprehension of Zachariah Crempton, E. Scott and
three Harold brothers.
1877
Aug. 11 — Proclamation of W. G. Ritch on the death of Donaciano
Vigil, governor of New Mexico from Jan. 17, 1847 to Oct.
11, 1848.
Biographical account in The New Mexican Aug. 28, 1877.
Aug. 16 — Writ of election by W. G. Ritch to fill vacancy caused by
decease of Paul Dowlin.
Sept. 28 — Proclamation by W. C. Ritch offering $500 reward for
apprehension of murderers of Benito Cruz and Martinet.
1878
Nov. 15 — Proclamation of amnesty for Lincoln county disorders.
(Ritch)
1880
Mar. 15 — Proclamation offering reward for Hyman G. Neills for
grand larceny.
1881
Jan. 24 — Proclamation offering $500 reward for arrest of mur-
derer of Albart Brocksmit.
July 11 — Proclamation of thanksgiving on the occasion of the at-
tempted assassination of President Garfield and praise for
the President's deliverance. (Ritch)
Sept. 26 — James A. Garfield memorial day (L. A. Sheldon) dated
9/21/81.
1882
Feb. 23 — Reward for murderer of Bersate Lujan (Sheldon).
Feb. 25 — Reward of $500 for the murderer of Prudencio Griego.
Mar. 23 — Reapportionment of the territory into council and repre-
sentative districts (Sheldon).
Mar. 24 — Proclamation appointing Perfecto Armijo territorial
agent to convey prisoners to the penitentiary dated 3/24.
1883
Mar. 3 — Reward of $500 for murderer of Tom Bar.
Mar. 8 — Reward for capture of Chester W. Consius, murderer.
Apr. 2 — Reward of $500 for Salvador Garcia for murder.
Apr. 17 — Reward of $500 for the murderers of Dan Swany.
CHECKLIST 231
1884
Aug. 7 — Proclamation enforcing the law to prevent diseased cattle
being introduced in New Mexico.
Oct. 20 — Proclamation revoking proclamation of Aug. 7.
1885
Mar. 2 — Proclamation establishing quarantine (Sheldon)
Apr. 28 — Proclamation establishing quarantine (Sheldon)
May 4 — Compilation of general laws (Sheldon)
May 30 — Memorial Day (L. A. Sheldon) dated 5/11.
July 23— Death of Gen. U. S. Grant (E. G. Ross) dated 7/23.
Aug. 21 — Declaring the penitentiary open and ready for reception
of convicts (E. G. Ross)
1887
May 21 — Cattle quarantine proclaimed (E. G. Ross)
Aug. 12 — Cattle quarantine proclaimed (E. G. Ross)
Aug. 16 — Cattle quarantine proclaimed (E. G. Ross)
Oct. 27 — Proclamation modifying cattle quarantine proclamation
(E. G. Ross)
1888
Mar. 16 — Quarantine proclamation G. W. Lane, Sec. acting as
governor.
June 15 — Modification of Cattle quarantine proclamation (E. G.
Ross)
1889
Apr. 30 — Centennial anniversary proclamation by Gov. Prince
dated 4/20/89.
June 24 — Proclamation calling for a constitutional convention
Sept. 3, 1889 (L. B. Prince dated 6/24)
Aug. 6 — Election for choice of delegates to constitutional conven-
tions (L. B. Prince) dated 8/3/89.
Aug. 26 — Proclamation that the proposed constitution will be sub-
mitted to the qualified electors for adoption or rejection on
Oct. 7, 1890 and the manner of elections (Prince) dated
8/26/1889.
1890
Jan. 8 — Quarantine proclamation.
Mar. 1, Apr. 1 — Arbor day dated 2/12.
Aug. 1 — Outrages in San Miguel county by companies of masked
men dated 8/1.
Oct. 7 — Proclamation announcing a special election Oct. 7, 1890 on
the proposed constitution.
1892
Oct. 21 — 400 anniversary of the discovery of America proclaimed
as Columbus day. dated 8/15.
Nov. 9 — Proclamation rescinding previous proclamation relative
to Pleuro pneumonia and quarantine heretofore established.
dated 11/9.
232 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
1893
Aug. 24 — Urging participation in mass meeting Sept. 20, 1893 at
Albuquerque for urging early action on admission of terri-
tory as a state, dated 8/24.
Sept. 1 — Declaring Sept. 16, 1893 as New Mexico day at the Colum-
bian exposition, dated 9/1.
1896
Feb. 18 — Quarantine of cattle, dated 4/18.
Apr. 18-Nov. 15 — Special order modifying quarantine line for
states of Texas and Oklahoma, dated 4/18.
1897
Jan. 25 — Quarantine proclamation, dated 1/25.
Jan. 29 — Proclamation declaring Raton as entitled to be incorpo-
rated as a city, dated 1/29.
Feb. 13 — Modified quarantine proclamation.
Feb. 23 — Raised quarantine on Arizona.
1898
Apr. 22 — Compilation, publication and distribution of laws of New
Mexico, dated 4/22.
May 24 — Modifying quarantine against cattle from California,
dated 5/24.
Oct. 19 — General LaFayette day. dated 10/4.
1899
June 24 — Public holiday as anniversary of 1st engagement on land
of U. S. troops with those of Spain in which New Mexicans
were members of 1st U. S. volunteer cavalry known as the
Rough Riders, dated 6/7.
Dec. 14 — Centennial anniversary of death of George Washington.
1900
Sept. 3 — Labor day. dated 8/30.
Oct. 30 — Cattle quarantine, dated 10/30.
1901
June 14 — Flag day. dated 5/22.
Sept. 14 — Proclamation calling for a day of fasting and prayer
for President Wm. McKinley. dated 9/14.
Nov. 1, 1901-Mar. 5, 1902— Quarantine of cattle, dated 10/30.
1902
Jan. 29 — McKinley day. dated 1/11.
Sept. 6 — Asking for assistance for flood sufferers along Mimbres
river in Grant county on Aug. 29.
Nov. 1, 1902-Mar. 5, 1903. dated 10/23.
1903
Jan. 13 — Special election in Union co. dated 12/8/1902.
Mar. 5-Nov. 1 — Cattle quarantine, dated 3/11.
Sept. 25 — Town of Roswell entitled to become a city, dated 9/25.
CHECKLIST 233
Oct. 13 — Irrigation convention, dated 9/28.
Nov. 1, 1903 until rescinded — Cattle quarantine, dated 10/28.
1904
Oct. 17 — New Mexico day at World's Fair at St. Louis, Mo. dated
9/17.
Nov. 18 — New Mexico day at World's Fair at St. Louis, Mo. dated
10/18. (It was necessary to postpone date originally se-
lected.)
Dec. 24 — Special election in Valencia and Torrence counties, dated
11/29.
1905
Sept. 26-27 — Good roads convention, dated 6/29.
1906
Feb. 6 — Proclamation declaring the solution known as arsenate of
lead be exempt from restrictions of Sec. no. 1260 of Com-
piled laws of 1897. dated 2/6.
July 14 — Enabling act. dated 8/14.
Sept. 4 — Appointment of representation among counties in the
Council and House, dated 9/4.
Sept. 18 — Proclamation calling a meeting of sheep and wool grow-
ers of New Mexico for the purpose of forming a Sheep and
Wool Growers association, dated 6/19.
Oct. 6 — Proclamation ordering an election for the purpose of
electing members of the legislative assembly, dated 10/6.
1907
Feb. 18 — Good Roads proclamation, dated 2/13.
Oct. 9 — Coronado commemorative convention, dated 8/28.
1908
June 25 — Death of Grover Cleveland, dated 6/24.
Aug. 5 — Tucumcari made a city.
Oct. 5 — Good Roads convention, dated 9/11.
1909
Mar. 2 — Clovis becomes a city, dated 3/2.
1910
May 15 — Mother's day. dated 5/2.
Sept. 6 — Ordering election in order to choose delegates to a con-
stitutional convention, dated 6/29.
1911
Jan. 21 — Ordering an election to be held in order to ratify or re-
ject proposed constitution, dated 12/21/10.
Oct. 9 — Fire prevention day. dated 9/21.
Nov. 7 — State Election day. dated 8/30.
Dec. 30 — Results of election to amendment to constitution, dated
12/30.
234 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
1912
Jan. 17 — Proclamation by Gov. McDonald convening the First state
legislature of New Mexico on March 11, 1912. dated 1/17.
Feb. 17— Child labor day. 2p. dated 2/2.
Oct. 26 — Proclamation in connection with elections, dated 10/26.
Nov. 5 — Election of presidential electors and one representative
in Congress for 1912. 2p. dated 9/16.
Dec. 14 — On adoption of highway bond, dated 12/14.
Dec. 14 — On adoption of Suffrage amendment to the Constitution
of New Mexico, dated 12/14.
1914
Dec. 4 — Cattle quarantine, dated 12/3.
1915
Feb. 9 — Special election in Sierra co. dated 1/22.
Feb. 11 — Rescinding quarantine issued Jan. 13. dated 2/11.
Mar. 12 — Quarantine proclamation, dated 3/12.
Apr. 15 — Amending and modifying quarantine proclamation, dated
4/14.
June 1 — Amending and modifying further quarantine. 2p. dated
6/1.
1916
Mar. 31, Apr. 14 — Arbor and bird days, dated 3/10.
Oct. 24 — Requesting prevention of corrupt practices at elections.
dated 10/24.
1917
Feb. 19 — Proclamation by Gov. Lindsey announcing death of E. C.
DeBaca, a candidate for governor of N. M. dated 2/19.
Apr. 23 — Proclamation by Gov. Lindsey declaring need for agri-
cultural aid to enhance war effort. 3p. dated 4/23.
May 1 — Call for 3rd state legislature for enacting legislation
caused by the emergencies of war. dated 4/26.
May 3 — Appointment of County school superintendents of the dif-
ferent counties as organizers of the "United States boys
working reserve."
May 30 — Decoration and Memorial day. dated 5/17.
Aug. 16 — Proclamation by Gov. Lindsey asking parents and guar-
dians of the youth of the state to persuade children to con-
tinue their education, dated 8/16.
Oct. 13 — Food conservation pledge card day.
Oct. 24— Liberty day. dated 10/17.
Nov. 4 — International Go-to-Sunday-school day.
Nov. 11— Y.M.C.A. War Work Sunday, dated 11/9.
Dec. 17 — Request for increase of membership in American Red
Cross, dated 12/15.
1918
Feb. 7 — Insurance day. dated 2/6.
Feb. 8-14 — Boy Scout week, dated 2/9.
CHECKLIST 235
Apr. 6 — Public holiday, dated 3-28.
Apr. 26 — Liberty day for purpose of lending to the success of the
3rd Liberty Loan, dated 4/23.
May 20-27 — Red Cross week, dated 5-21.
May 24 — Italy day. dated 5/21.
June 3-8 — Coal order week, dated 5/29.
June 28 — War savings day. dated 6/4.
July 10 — Proclamation asking the people to subscribe and pay the
Salvation Army the amount requested for war work, dated
7/9.
Nov. 5 — An appeal to sheriffs and peace officers to enforce voting
laws, dated 11/4.
Nov. 9 — Gas mask day. dated 11/7.
Nov. 24 — Peace day. dated 11/13.
Dec. 27 — Proclamation by Acting Gov. Antonio Lucero asking the
people to go to New Museum building on Dec. 27 to meet
the official mission of scholars from the French government.
dated 12/24.
Dec. 24 — Proclamation by Acting Gov. Antonio Lucero asking
every American to enroll in the American Red Cross during
the Christmas roll call. 2p. dated 12/24.
1919
Jan. 4 — Request for N. M. quota for Armenian and Syrian relief.
dated 1/4.
Jan. 8 — Proclamation by Gov. Larrazolo in respect to the memory
of Ex-president Roosevelt, dated 1/8.
Jan. 26 — Polish day. dated 1/22.
Feb. 9 — Roosevelt memorial day. dated 2/1.
Apr. 16 — Proclamation by Acting Gov. B. F. Pankey calling upon
the people of the state to enlist in the Victory liberty loan
drive, dated 4/16.
June 16-23 — Proclamation by Gov. Larrazolo calling upon the
people of the state to aid the Salvation Army, dated 6/4.
June 29- Jl. 6 — Thrift message week, dated 6/18.
Aug. 12 — Proclamation by Acting Gov. Pankey relative to the
Junior Red Cross, dated 8/12. |JorJ*nf
Sept. 17— Constitution day. dated 9/16.
Sept. 11-13 — Proclamation by Gov. Larrazolo dedicating Sept. 11-
13 to commemorate the achievements of our fathers. 2p.
dated 9/6.
Oct. 16-18 — Proclamation by Gov. Larrazolo inviting veterans to
participate in American Legion ceremonies, dated 10/7.
Oct. 18 — Ceremonies in honor of King and Queen of Belgium, dated
10/7.
Oct. 24 — Americanization day. dated 10/24.
Oct. 24 — Proclamation relating to the coal strikers. 4p. dated 10/24.
Nov. 2 — Proclamation regarding the restlessness in Colfax and
236 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
McKinley counties on account of coal strikers. 2p. dated
11/2.
Nov. 11 — Armistice day. dated 11/1.
Dec. 9 — Proclamation calling for special election to fill vacancy in
legislature. 2p. dated 12/9.
Dec. 15 — Proclamation removing martial law from Colfax county.
dated 12/15.
Dec. 30 — Proclamation removing martial law from McKinley
county. 2p. dated 12/30.
1920
Feb. 16 — Calling for a special session of the legislature. 4p. dated
2/3.
Feb. 17 — Requesting young men to fill vacancies in the navy, dated
2/17.
Feb. 20 — Washington's birthday, dated 2/20.
May 1 — American day. dated 4/10.
May 17-22 — American legion week, dated 5/15.
June 12 — Neighbor's day. dated 6/7.
June 13 — Community Sunday, dated 6/7.
Nov. 14 — Red Cross Sunday, dated 10/28.
Dec. 12-18 — New Mexico health week, dated 12/4.
1921
May 22-28 — Forest protection week, dated 5/5.
Aug. 19 — Proclamation urging the public to assist the Veterans
Bureau in establishing a personal contact with all ex-service
men in the state, dated 8/19.
1922
Mar. 20 — American Legion employment day. dated 3/11.
Apr. 27 — General Grant's centenary, dated 4/4.
Oct. 2-9 — Fire prevention week, dated 9/13.
Nov. 11-29 — 6th Annual roll call of American Red Cross, dated
11/1.
Dec. 3-9 — Education week in New Mexico, dated 11/25.
1923
Oct. 27— Navy day. dated 10/20.
Nov. 18-24 — American education week, dated 11/13.
Dec. 9-16 — Harding memorial week, dated 12/1.
1924
Apr. 21-29 — Forest protection week, dated 4/11.
Nov. 17-24 — American education week, dated 11/10.
1925
Apr. 16-May 2 — Boys' week, dated 4/16.
Apr. 27-May 3 — American Forest week, dated 4/15.
May 1— Child health day. dated 4/15.
June 1-6 — American legion endowment week, dated 1/6.
Nov. 16-22 — American education week, dated 11/12.
CHECKLIST 237
1926
May 2-8 — Music week, dated 4/30.
Nov. 11-Nov. 25 — 10th annual Red Cross Roll call, dated 10/25.
1927
Last week of Feb. — Anti-narcotic education week, dated 2/11/27.
Apr. 24-30 — American forest week, dated 4/16.
May 1-7 — Music week, dated 4/9.
May 1— Child health day. dated 4/20.
May 1-7 — Boys' week, dated 4/29.
May 12 — National hospital day. dated 5/9.
Oct. 9-15 — Fire prevention week, dated 10/3.
Nov. 11-Nov. 24 — Annual roll membership in the American Red
Cross, dated 11/1.
Nov. 7-13 — American education week, dated 11/4.
1928
Apr. 22-28 — American forest week, dated 3/27.
Apr. 28-May 5 — Boys' week, dated 4/9.
May 1 — Army day. dated 4/18.
May 1— Child health day. dated 4/18.
May 1-7 — Music week. 2p. dated 5/4.
Oct. 7-14 — Fire prevention week. 2p. dated 9/25.
Nov. 11 — Twelfth annual roll call of the American Red Cross.
dated 10/23.
Nov. 12-18 — Highway safety week. 2p. dated 11/3.
1929
Apr. 1 — Child health day. dated 4/8.
May 5-11 — Music week, dated 4/30.
Aug. 17 — Flood sufferers in Socorro county, dated 8/17.
Sept. 18 — Proclamation by Gov. Dillon regarding markers for aid
of airports in cities, towns, and villages. 2p. dated 9/18.
Oct. 6-12 — Fire prevention week, dated 9/24.
Nov. 11-28 — Annual roll call of the American Red Cross. 2p. dated
11/4.
1930
May 1— Child health day. dated 4/12.
May 4-10 — Music week, dated 4/29.
May 12-19 — Clean-up and paint week, dated 5/5.
Oct. 5-11 — Fire prevention week, dated 9/24.
Oct. 19-26 — Business Confidence week, dated 10/9.
Oct. 27 — Proclamation of Gov. Dillon honoring the memory of
Theodore Roosevelt, dated 10/6.
Nov. 11-27 — Annual roll call of the American Red Cross, dated
10/25.
1931
May 1— Child health day. 4/10.
May 3-9 — Music week. 4/23.
238 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Oct. 4-10 — Fire prevention week. 9/19.
1932
Jan. 17-23— Thrift week. 1/18.
Mar. 5 — Calling for united action for unemployment. 3/5.
Mar. 6-12 — National business women's week. 3/2.
Apr. 8 — Bird day in New Mexico. 3/16.
May 1— Child health day. 4/15.
May 1-7 — National Music week. 4/16.
August — State highway safety month. 2p. dated 20 July '32.
Oct. 9-15 — Fire prevention week. 9/17.
Nov. 7-13 — American education week. 10/19.
Nov. 11-24 — Annual roll call, American Red Cross.
1933
Mar. 3-7 — Bank holiday. 3/2.
Mar. 4-7 — Bank holiday. 3/3. (supersedes and rescinds proclama-
tion issued 3/2.)
Mar. 5-11 — National business women's week. 2/23.
Apr. 30— President's day. 4/24.
May 1— Child health day. 4/8.
May 3 — Proclamation by Arthur Seligman declaring quarantine
against Colorado. 2p.
May 12 — Hospital day. 5/4.
Aug. 30 — Declaring martial law in McKinley co. 9/30.
Sept. 28 — Announcing death of Gov. Seligman. Signed by A. W.
Hockenhull. 9/27.
Oct. 8-14 — Fire prevention week. 9/19.
Oct. 9-Dec. 31 — "Now is the time to buy" campaign. 10/9.
Oct. 11-13 — Appointment of delegates to U. S. Good Roads asso-
ciation. 10/3.
Oct. 16-20 — Appointment of delegates to National Tax Association.
9/22.
Oct. 16-21 — Appointment of delegates to American library asso-
ciation. 9/20.
Oct. 30 — Stock of banks issuance of nonassessable preferred stock.
10/30.
Nov. 2 — Stock of banks issuance of nonassessable preferred stock.
11/2.
Nov. 2 — Proclamation of Gov. Seligman calling convention for
ratifying or rejecting twenty-first amendment to Constitu-
tion of U. S. 7p.
Dec. 18-23 — State holiday jubilee. 12/8.
1934
Feb. 15 — Repayment of interest by fiscal agent.
Mar. 8 — Waiving law to extent that 2500 may be deposited without
security. 3/8.
Mar. 11-17 — National business women's week. 2/14.
CHECKLIST 239
Apr. 9 — Call for special session. 4p.
May 1— Child health day. 4/26.
May 1-June 30 — Payment of interest on deposits of public moneys.
2/15.
May 1-June 30 — Reducing interest rate on daily balances on de-
posits from l1/^ to 1% from May 1-June 30. 5/22.
May 1, '33- Jan. 31, '34 — Reducing rate of interest on daily balances
of public deposits. 2/15.
Aug. 14 — N. M. day Century of Progress. 8/4.
Sept. — Street and highway safety month. 8/30.
Oct. 6 — Loyalty day. 10/1.
Oct. 7 — Loyalty Sunday. 10/1.
Oct. 7-13 — Fire prevention week. 9/19.
Oct. 21-27— Better housing week. 9/26.
Nov. 5-11 — American education week and Parent teacher week.
10/27.
Nov. 11-29 — Annual roll call of American Red Cross. 10/29.
Nov. 21 — Special election in Eddy and Lea counties to elect State
senator in place of Hon. J. H. Jackson. 2p. 11/21.
Dec. 18 — State holiday jubilee.
1935
Mar. 17-23 — Business women's week. 2/21.
Apr. 30 — Quarantine of cattle. 2p. 4/30.
May 5-11 — National music week. 4/30.
June 15 — National Better housing day. 6/5.
June 10-15 — Western states railway week. 6/1.
Sept. — Go to the theatres month. 8/28.
Oct. 6-12 — Fire prevention week. 9/26.
Oct. 20-26 — Parent teacher week. 9/26.
Oct. 28— Navy day. 10/22.
Nov. 3-9 — National art week. 9-28.
Nov. 11-17 — American education week. 10/28.
1936
Feb. 7-13 — Boy Scout week. 2/7.
Feb. 23-29 — Save your vision week. 2/11.
Mar. 15-21 — National business women's week. 3/2.
Apr. 1. — A.L.A. conference.
Apr. 10 — Good Friday. 4/4.
Apr. 20-7 — Highway safety week. 3/16.
May 12 — Hospital day. 4/27.
July 13-18 — Railway week. 6/19.
Oct. 4-10 — Fire prevention week. 9/16.
Nov. 3 — Martial law for San Miguel co. 11/3.
Nov. 9-15 — American education week. 10/10.
Dec. 14 — Call for special session of the 12th legislature. 12/5.
240 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
1937
Feb. 7-13— Boy Scout week. 2/2.
Mar. 14-20 — National business women's week. 3/8.
Mar. 21-28 — Fight cancer week. 3/10.
Mar. 26— Good Friday. 3/20.
Apr. 16— Safety day. 3/31.
Eunice proclaimed a city. 3p. 4/23.
May 2-8 — National music week. 4/15.
May 12 — Hospital day. 5/6.
May 24-30 — Air mail week. 4/27.
June 8 — Hobbs designated as a city. 3p.
June 20 — Fathers' day. 6/5.
Oct. 3-9 — Fire prevention week. 9/22.
Oct. 30 — Parent teacher week. 10/14.
Nov. 7-13 — American education week. 10/14.
Nov. 12 — 1937 unemployment census.
Week of Nov. 15 — N. M. products week. 10/19.
1938
Jan. 29 — Proclamation designating Jan. 29, the president's birth-
day, as a holiday. 1/27.
Mar. 20 — National wild life week. 3/7.
Mar. 23 — Eat more meat period. 3/5.
April 1-30 — Cancer control month. 3/14.
Apr. 15 — Good Friday. 4/9.
May 1— Child health day. 4/27.
May 12 — Hospital day.
May 15-21 — Air mail week. 4/22.
June 19 — Fathers' day. 6/3.
Aug. 14-21 — Social security week. 8/12.
Aug. 22 — Call for special session. 8/11.
Sept. 5-10 — Veterans employment week. 9/3.
Oct. 9-15 — Fire prevention week. 9/22.
Nov. 8 — Call for special election for state senator of Quay county.
10/18.
1939
1939 — Fiesta year of the West, dated 2/6.
Feb. 1 — Third Social hygiene day. dated 1/28.
Feb. 2-8 — Eat more beans week, dated 1/31.
Feb. 11 — Edison day.
Feb. 12-22 — National Americanism week and I am an American
"Panegyric." dated 2/7.
Mar. 19 — National wild life week, dated 2/27.
Apr. 1-30 — Cancer control month, dated 3/31.
Apr. 7 — Good Friday, dated 3/31.
Apr. 16-22 — Parent teacher week, dated 4/1.
Apr. 17-23 — Kindness to animals week, dated 4-10.
CHECKLIST 241
Apr. 24 — Grasshopper control program, J. M. Murry, ST., acting
gov. dated 4/24.
Apr. 30 — Employment day. dated 4/11.
May 1— Child health day. dated 4/26.
May 7-15 — National music week, dated 4/26.
May 12 — Hospital day. dated 5/8.
May 18 — World good will day, J. M. Murry, Sr., acting gov. dated
4/25.
May 22-27 — National cotton week, dated 5/16.
June 1 — New citizen day. 5/11.
June 8-14 — Flag week, dated 5/25.
June 21 — Fire prevention, dated 6/21.
June 22 — Summer safety, dated 6/22.
Sept. 11-24 — Air progress, dated 8/31.
Sept. 17 — Constitution Sunday, dated 8/23.
Sept. 25 — Printing industry week, dated 9/9.
Oct. 8-14 — Fire prevention week, dated 10/3.
Oct. 8-14 — Week for the rediscovery of America, dated 10/3.
Nov. 5-11 — Veterans patriotic week, dated 10/30.
(To be continued)
Notes and Documents
* In preparing the maps and writing Records and Maps of the Old
Santa Fe Trail, one of the difficult parts of the Old Trail together
with its alternate routes, necessitating much careful study and re-
search, was the Raton Pass stretch, which extended from present
Trinidad, Colorado, to Raton, New Mexico.
This was referred to in the old journals and diaries as "extremely
arduous and severe," "here the difficulties commence . . . just pass-
able for a wagon," "almost impassable for wheeled vehicles to get
over the narrow rock-ribbed barrier," "Originally there was only a
mountain trail, considerable labor and expense were required to fit
it for the passage of heavy wagons. Kearny drew wagons up and let
them down by ropes."
To many it would seem unimportant to determine exactly where
the old pass was, any place within a mile or so would do. However,
the exact re-location for historical purposes was important because
the shifting of position even slightly made a great difference as to
the consideration of study of old records. It was absolutely essential
from the standpoint of historical accuracy that the true location be
ascertained.
Many of the old maps were on too small a scale or not sufficiently
accurate to determine the lines within a half-mile or so, and existing
historical markers were not properly placed.
Knowing that the Old Trail followed Raton Creek on the north
side and Old Willow Creek on the south side, the uncertain and ques-
tionable part was the passage over the top or "saddle," being a width
of about three miles east and west. Located within this distance during
the space of time from 1821 to the present day were the Old Santa
Fe Trail (1821), the Wootton Road (1866), the Santa Fe Railroad
switch-back (1879), and later the Railroad tunnels, Old Federal High-
way 85 and 87, and the new or present highway 85 and 87.
There were numerous "scars" over the ridge or pass consisting
of logging roads, roads for the tunnel construction, railroad water
diversion ditches, the old railroad switch-back used during tunnel con-
struction, old and new roads from the top to the tunnel portals, and
finally among the "scars" were the Old Santa Fe Trail and the
Wootton Road. The problem was to pick out the two latter roads and
to determine whether or not they occupied the same right of way.
The records of Colorado and New Mexico were searched to see
whether there was a reference in Wootton's franchise as to a definite
description, but there was none. Deeds and leases were then examined
* Kcnyon Riddle, Records and Maps of the Old Santa Fe Trail. Raton, New
Mexico, 1949. The author of the above notes allows the reader an inside glimpse into
his procedure in locating: the Old Santa Fe Trail
242
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 243
but no data were found. There had been a serious controversy in
the early sixties as to the east and west boundary line of Colorado
and New Mexico, and in 1868 the federal court ordered a survey to be
made, known as the Darling State Line Survey. An examination of
the original field notes gave a "tie" to an astronomical station set by
Kearny's engineers in 1846 as well as a tie to the Santa Fe Trail. By
setting a transit on the same points and by chaining the distances the
trail was accurately located and the old ruts were clearly shown.
To further substantiate the location, a map was obtained from
the Santa Fe Railway Co. made in 1876 which referenced their line
to the same monuments as used in the Darling survey and which
showed the Old Santa Fe Trail in its correct location, and as a final
check aerial surveys were used and from the field work on the re-
survey the maps were completed.
The original trail was located as the railroad is now, but within
a few years of its beginning the wheeled traffic abandoned the south
slope and followed a valley one-fourth mile west, which valley joined
the original trail as present Lynn, near the south portal of the rail-
road tunnels.
The ruts of the Old Trail and Wootton's Stage Road are conspicu-
ous from the highway at a roadside parking area 2 miles south of
the top of the pass on highway 85 and 87, and by looking up the valley,
now occupied by the railroad, one can see the arroyos resulting from
the trail ruts. In trail days this was a grassy vale, but arroyos de-
veloped because of the ruts worn by travel, erosion by wind and water,
and over-grazing.
From the same roadside parking area one can view the streams
and washes to the west which intercepted the old trail and road,
causing much inconvenience to the early traveler, until Wootton
built bridges over them, as noted in Inman's Old Santa Fe Trail:
"Wootton's work included great hillsides to be cut, immense ledges
of rock to blast, bridges by the dozen, clearing and grubbing." These
bridges are still in evidence.
The D. A. R. monument on the top of the pass at the side of
Highway 85 and 87 is one-fourth of a mile east of the Old Trail Pass,
and the large monument north of and near the state line is nearly one-
half mile east of the Old Trail. Since this portion of the Old Trail is
not accessible to a public road the markers, in order to be available
to highway travel, can only be in the vicinity of the actual location,
but there should be an appropriate directional sign at each marker.
At the D. A. R. marker there should be a sign reading, "one-quarter of
a mile west of here is the location of Raton Pass of the Old Santa Fe
Trail and the Old Wootton Road," and at the Colorado State monu-
ment near the Colorado-New Mexico state line a sign should read,
"In the valley one-half mile west of here is the location of the Old
Santa Fe Trail and the Old Wootton Road."
244 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
To stop at these monuments and look to the west one can see the
correct location and visualize how the heavily loaded wagons, military
equipment and stage coaches came up the valley and struggled over
the top.
With accurate maps and properly placed markers one can find
the actual locations of points of interest and view in detail the
grounds along the Old Santa Fe Trail. This is particularly true in the
unbroken lands where the ruts were worn by the heavy wheels of the
freight and settler's wagons, military equipment and great herds of
domestic animals. Persons, both old and young, are inspired with
patriotism and pride and their interests are multiplied when given the
opportunity to see and study all that was done to develop the vast
west, all within the past one hundred years.
SOME LAWS AND LEGAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
MEXICAN PERIOD1
Collection of Tithes
Instructions Which Should Serve as a Guide to the Collectors
of Tithes in This Province
It is most difficult for thoughtful men to believe that they should
find faithful Christians who have forgotten the obligations that this
most distinguished state imposes upon them, who should be capable of
neglecting to render to God, among other attributes, that of the tithes,
exact and complete as the Divine Majesty desires, knowing positively
and clearly that this pension is designed to support the divine cult
with the decency which it deserves, and equally, that with it is
maintained the Holy Church, and that we are all obligated for this
contribution by natural divine, and human law; but if there should be,
disgracefully, such men, in order that they may arrive at a more clear
and distinct understanding of their obligations, and become persuaded
through their own rationality, they shall be informed of the following
Chapters, applicable to this intent [consernientes al efecto].
The legislator and scholar Solarzano in his Politica Indiana, Book
2 Chapter 22, says the following: All the men of the world, including
1. Translated by Dr. Lynn I. Perrigo, Head of the Department of History and
Social Sciences at New Mexico Highlands University, in consultation with Dr. Luis
E. Aviles, Head of the Department of Modern Foreign Languages, also at Highlands
University. In addition, this translation has been compared with one prepared by Ed-
ward Torres, and in the case of the one document on Collection of Tithes comparison
has been made with an additional translation prepared by Fred G. Martinez as part
of his graduate work at Highlands University.
[See NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW, Vol. 26, No. 2, for a discussion of these
documents. The second part of the first series will appear in a later issue.
The above documents represent the first part of the second series of the Torres
papers. — Editor]
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 245
the sovereigns, without exception, are obligated by natural, divine, and
pontifical law to pay to God tithes of as much as their land produces
for them, including likewise the Indians and others faithful [sectaries] ,
if they cultivate land which belongs to Christians, and a law of the
District [partidos] says the same, adding even more, that Christians
have a greater obligation because they enjoy the benefits of the true
law2 and for this reason are closer to God than are the other people;
which Holy, Christian, and well-founded opinion is supported and sus-
tained by the Saints, St. John Chrysostom, St. Thomas, St. Augustine,
St. Jerome, the Apostle St. Paul, and others, and likewise by the La-
teran, Mexican Trent, Liman, and other councils, and finally by many
scholars, theologians and jurists, among them being Suarez, Belar-
mino, Cobarrubias, Renan, Copin, Simion Mayolo, Simacho, Rebrifo,
and Juan Andres.
Informed of all of the aforesaid, and for other reasons which our
Venerable Catholic Monarch and the Supreme Pontiff may have, the
latter resolved to tax and to indicate what should be paid and from
what sources [cosas] to our Lord, God, ordering the publication of the
intent of his Pastoral Letters, even those pertaining to the punishment
upon whoever might incur fraud, and the former ordered printed in
Book I, title 16, folio 83 of the Royal Compilation of the Laws of the
Indies,3 among other things, the following: All men who are not ex-
empt by special privilege from paying tithes should pay them in the
ensuing manner, from each ten measures, one, and from whatever does
not admit measurement from each ten whole parts [enteros], one, and
if it does not amount to a whole part, from ten parts of it they should
pay one, and in order that the payment may be of great purity, those
who pay the tithe may not, first, deduct the cost of the seed, rent, or
any other expense, nor pay any debt even though it be owed to the
Royal Treasury, and also that from the same Treasury should be made
payment in the aforesaid form, putting first above all things, God,
our Lord, Creator of all: Likewise this law indicates with complete
clarity what quantities and kinds should be paid, and with arrange-
ment as to how it should be collected.
For the surety of all the aforesaid, if any person should resist
paying the tithe in the form indicated, then without loss of time he
shall be accused before the Royal Justice of original jurisdiction,4 or
military, according to which it belongs, in order that, as instructed, he
may be urged to make payment, in a just manner, requesting likewise
that the delay may not exceed six days, that the costs and damages
which shall arise may be charged to the accused, and for the sake of
justice, that a suitable punishment may be inflicted upon him, so that
2. This may be luz instead of ley.
3. Thirty-one laws, of which this document is a local interpretation, appear in
Recopilacion de loa Leyea de loa Reynoa de las Indies (Madrid: Paredes, 1681) I, 83-8.
4. Justicia Real ordinaria.
246 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
he may be warned and serve as a warning to those who desire to behave
in a similar manner.
They shall exercise continuous and particular care to know always
on what lands the small flocks are grazing, which come under their
collectorship, in order that the collecting of wool will be immediate, at
whatever time it is sheared, be it all or part of a large [flock] or all
or part of a small [flock] , then such wool at whatever time it is cut, is
a product which is subject to payment.
An account shall be kept of such flocks, with indication of the
owners, and if it is feasible, a list shall be prepared of the number of
their heads, as much to collect the wool with certainty as to know, a
little more or less, the number of heads which must be collected, and
in order that, with such an account, in case a flock shall pass to another
collectorship, he could transmit the corresponding list, in order that
he may collect it at that place and with a corresponding receipt, with
which alone he shall remain satisfied that this has been paid, and like-
wise he shall serve notice of whatever animal may be removed.
Among those who plant crops, it is customary to have much for
verification, and as the harvest is transferred to another, it is necessary
that those who plant the fields give the levy, to be designated for col-
lection where the same is raised, reporting to the collector where this
appertains . . . .5
He shall exercise care that the flocks of sheep which move outside
of the province, if the appropriate tithe has not been rendered pre-
viously, it shall be paid before leaving, and if among it are some
females, they shall not be permitted to leave, being of value in the cor-
responding manner, and he could only give consent if there is a definite
permit from the government, showing the number for my information.
Moreover, he must have knowledge of all production and grain
fields, in order that with some certainty this can contribute to his
making an exception of not a thing among those which are accounted
for, therefore so that this order may have some force I confirm that
it is not customary [to make any exception] and it is necessary that
this be remembered [immemorable].
Immediately upon commencing to gather the tithes, he shall keep
for everything an exact list, with measurement of that which admits
it, then from it he must prepare two results, the first to know what he
has summed up, and the other officially to render sworn account to
the Steward Judges.6
He shall collect the tithe with such efficacy that he will exact it
down to the smallest part which can be divided into ten, taking it from
all seeds, adopting measures which may be immediate, and at the in-
stant that they fence . . . ,7 that is what may be first, and with just
promptness those persons whom they find give cause for mistrust,
6. The concluding: part of this paragraph is faded beyond legibility.
6. Senorea Jueces Azcdores.
7. One word blotted and illegible.
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 247
leaving until last that which is certain, and if some may have resisted
previously or should now resist, or may knowingly pay inadequately,
then he shall adopt measures to take from them, with all of the neces-
sary distrust, and if he finds it necessary, he may do this with the
intervention of the Magistrate, inasmuch as he must resort to such
procedure against persons who have betrayed such motives, because
they certainly are of most wicked conscience.
He shall collect in the same manner from all products even to that
which they consume without awaiting harvest-time,8 and from these
green products in that condition he shall collect what corresponds . . .9
in its equivalent.
He shall collect the tithe for all animals including all burros and
pigs, including also the chickens and turkeys, and from all else which
is customary, applying for this collection the following evaluations:
Colt or filly, thirty reals; calf or heifer, twenty reals; . . .10 sheep,
one peso; lamb, six reals; kid or goat, six reals; pig, according to size
depending upon whether it is already weened.
To avoid doubt, the following may serve as the rule :n If the person
who pays the tithe wishes to keep the animal, he may pay the corre-
sponding amount, and if not, then he should receive what remains,
crediting the animal to whoever pays for it, following this order from
one [fraction] up to nine but not reaching ten, which is where it corre-
sponds to one unit [entero].
Santa Fe, January 1, 1820
Pedro Armendaris12
8. sin llegar d cosechar.
9. Two words faded out.
10. One half of a line here is blurred and illegible.
11. sirva de govierno lo gue sigue:
12. Alcalde and prominent citizen. R. E. Twitchell, The Spanish Archives of New
Mexico (Cedar Rapids: Torch Press, 1914) I, 354, and I-II passim.
Book Reviews
Some Sex Beliefs and Practices in a Navaho Community.
Flora L. Bailey. Cambridge : Papers of the Peabody Mu-
seum of American Archaeology and Ethnology, Howard
University, Vol. XL. No. 2, 1950. Pp. 108, $3.00.
This monograph, the third in a series planned to cover the
long-time study of the Ramah Navahos, deals with a specific
topic within the large subject in the precise manner which
is the major methodological aim of Clyde Kluckhohn, direc-
tor, and of those who have worked with him. The Ramah
project, outlined in the introduction to the present volume,
is unique in being planned as a piece of research covering a
long time span and involving a large number of investiga-
tors— mostly graduate students. The intention is that the
number of individuals involved in collecting data should ob-
viate the possible biases of interest or temperament which
might minimize the accuracy of a report by a single ethnolo-
gist and that the continued observations, as in a biological
study, should counteract temporal fads in anthropological
theory. This technique may likewise lead to new discoveries
in culture dynamics.
Kluckhohn had known members of the Ramah group and
had spoken their language for some years before the project
was begun in 1940. Since that time it has progressed under
his field leadership and that of other trained workers. All
notes are copied, recorded, and cross referenced in the Pea-
body Museum, so that data picked up in the field on any
subject by any worker is readily available to all, although
publication rights on specific matters are recognized for the
collaborating workers. Although the work, and especially
publication, were set back by the war period, we already have
the life history of Gregorio, the Hand-Trembler and its in-
terpretation by Alexander and Dorothea Leighton, psychia-
trists whose technique of analysis is even more an addition
to the field of methodological anthropology than their data
on the single individual. Tschopick's paper on Navaho pot-
tery likewise belongs to the Ramah project, although it was
248
BOOK REVIEWS 249
published in another of the Peabody series before the present
Ramah Project Reports were inaugurated. Flora Bailey's
present work on Navaho sex beliefs and practices is as spe-
cialized a study as these others, set against her background
of a number of seasons spent in the Navaho country. Her
previous publications are several, ranging from technical
reports on ceremonies (in part done with collaboration of
Dr. L. Wyman) to a children's book Between the Four Moun-
tains, describing Navaho daily life as discovered by the
young son and daughter of a fictitious anthropologist work-
ing on the reservation.
Miss Bailey did the children's book so that young people
might better understand living American Indians; she has
done the present esoteric paper to concisely but accurately
picture Navaho thought and custom in relation to matters
of sex and reproduction, an intimate culture-bound subject
on which ethnologic data is scanty. Each chapter covers its
subject matter through general discussion and illustration,
often enlivened by direct quotations from informants, fol-
lowed by a summary, and concluded with a page or two of
footnotes covering references, additional specific data, and
comments. Her material covers practices, beliefs, and related
ceremonial affairs pertaining to puberty, conception and con-
traception, pregnancy, birth, post-natal care, care of the
post-parturient mother, and notes on unusual births and
aberrant practices. Although work was concentrated on the
Ramah area, the author's considerable experience on other
parts of the reservation permitted the addition of important
comparative material.
The difficulties involved in collecting such data are ob-
vious. Miss Bailey explains that her field technique involved
considerable reliance on an intelligent interpreter to make
contacts and explain her scientific interest, even though she
herself understood quite a bit of the spoken Navaho lan-
guage. At the advice of her interpreter she wore a flowing
Navaho skirt of calico as a conversation piece and an indi-
cation of her respect for the customs of these people. Nava-
hos are as Puritanical as whites in discussion of sex, and
many women felt they must ask advice of their husbands
250 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
before they could answer questions. But the general feeling
seemed to be that as the whites came to know more about
these customs the medical services offered might be appreci-
ably improved, to the benefit of all.
Flora Bailey's present publication may be of limited
rather than wide interest, but as an objectively recorded and
carefully prepared contribution in this field it has no parallel,
either for Navaho studies or for those covering any other
Southwestern tribes.
FLORENCE HAWLEY ELLIS
University of New Mexico
The New Mexican Alabado. Juan B. Rael. With transcription
of Music by Eleanor Hague. Standford University Pub-
lications. University Series. Language and Literature.
Vol. 9, no. 3. Stanford, California: Stanford University
Press, 1951. Pp. 154. $2.50. Published also by Oxford
University Press.
This volume contains the texts of 89 alabados (as the re-
ligious folksongs of the Spanish-speaking folk of New Mex-
ico are known) together with a map of the district in which
the songs were collected, a number of interesting photo-
graphs, an introductory discussion of the alabado, a tabular
analysis of the verse forms of the alabados included in the col-
lection and at the end musical transcriptions of 57 of the melo-
dies and a very brief discussion of the same by Miss Eleanor
Hague. In addition, there are included metrical translations
by Mrs. Elsie Stebbins of four of the alabados and a glossary
of terms. The songs were collected by the author in the form
of phonographic recordings (supplemented insofar as the
texts are concerned by twenty-one notebooks in longhand
furnished by the singers) during the summer of 1940 in the
Rio Grande Valley from Santa Fe, New Mexico, northward
to Alamosa, Colorado.
Actually, the collection appears to be limited largely to
the vocal music of the sect known as the Penitentes to the
exclusion of other types of religious music.
This study is a valuable contribution to our knowledge
BOOK REVIEWS 251
of these absorbing songs. Professor Rael has approached the
subject with a scientific skepticism which is welcome in any
serious examination of a subject so closely related to that
most unscientific, though utterly charming, region known as
folklore, for folklore thrives on colorful, though inaccurate,
statements. His introduction and his comments on the in-
dividual songs are well documented and seek truth rather
than color. There is plenty of the latter in the words and
melodies of the songs.
I had the opportunity to check two of Miss Hague's musi-
cal transcriptions against copies of the original recordings
and found them to be well and carefully done. The problem
of transcription presents great difficulties since the melodies
and ornamentation change from verse to verse and there
are rhythmic variations from verse to verse, syllabic alter-
nating with florid articulation. Furthermore, it is impossible
to reproduce the mournful effect of the tone production of
the singers.
Professor Rael modestly fails to mention the fact that
he has placed his recordings (or at least a large part of
them) at the disposal of the public by depositing copies with
the Library of Congress in Washington, D. C. This is a pre-
cedent which should be followed. No musical transcription
can take the place of such recordings and other scholars in
this field should be encouraged to place copies of their record-
ings, and other source materials, in depositaries such as those
at the Library of the University of New Mexico and the
Library of Congress where other scholars may have access
to them.
The work would have been benefited by the inclusion of
metric translations of more than four of the alabados. A
work published in English should attempt to carry over to
the English reader the dignity and beauty of the texts which
throw a flood of light upon the character and thought and
passion of those who employ them.
It was a disappointment to find that the comments on
the music were limited to three paragraphs occupying about
one-half of one page in a work of 322 pages. A study of
folksong, in order to avoid errors of emphasis and even out-
252 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
right errors of fact, must be a collaborative effort of persons
competent in the fields of language, literature, music, and
possibly in other fields such as ethnology, or at least should
be read critically from these points of view. Admittedly this
is a publication of Stanford's Language and Literature series
and as such stresses the textual aspect of the songs. Yet it
would have been a better rounded study if more attention
had been given to the musical elements of the alabados. I
hasten to add that I have been guilty of this sin of omission,
if sin it be.
I am inclined to take issue with Professor Rael when he
says that "The alabado is a hymn." Only in the most general
definition of a hymn as a religious song can this be said to be
true. The alabados bear virtually no resemblance to the
hymns of the ancient church, nor to the German version, the
chorale, nor to the English hymn. The hymn had its origin
as a part of the plainsong of the early Christian church and
as such was distinguished from the great body of plainsong
by one characteristic, its metrical and symmetrical form.
The alabados resemble far more closely other parts of the
great body of plainsong than the Ambrosian hymn. Miss
Hague has recognized that many of them fall into the class
of unmeasured music by omitting time signatures and even
in some examples with time signature the number of beats
to the measure does not always follow the signature. My
acquaintance with many alabados has convinced me that
with exceptions they are unmeasured and thus lack the most
characteristic feature of the hymn. Furthermore the florid
ornamentation, so characteristic of the alabados, is more
often found in other parts of the plainsong than in the hymns
in which syllabic settings seem to be characteristic.
Professor Rael mentions the use of the reed flute, or pito ;
there are no transcriptions of the beautiful fioritures which
give such a powerful polytonal effect to the music which they
accompany. It may be captious to differ again with Professor
Rael who says, "The only musical instrument ever used is
the reed flute." Nevertheless, at least two other instruments
are used to accompany the alabados : the matracas (or rattle)
and the palma, a wooden paddle like a ping pong paddle to
BOOK REVIEWS 253
which are attached 12 small pieces of wood by means of
leather thongs. The eerie pito, the raucous matracas, and
the rain-like patter of the palma give no small part of the
coloring to this marvelous music. These are of course percus-
sion instruments which would be classified by musicians as
musical instruments. In addition, Professor Rael includes a
photograph of a member of the brotherhood of the Penitentes
holding a drum. I have never heard a drum used in connec-
tion with Penitente ceremonies but this photograph indicates
that possibly this additional percussion instrument is em-
ployed in certain places.
The local New Mexican terminology which characterizes
all religious folksongs as alabados is unsatisfactory, as it
ignores the great differences which exist between different
types of religious folk music. In Mexico, according to Prof.
Vicente T. Mendoza, the term alabado is used only to describe
those songs which have to do with the life and passion of
Jesus Christ. All other religious folksongs are known as
alabanzas and these are in turn subdivided into many dif-
ferent types. Since many of these types are recognizable in
New Mexico, it would lead to clearer understanding if the
appropriate Mexican terminology were adopted or other
terms were adopted to describe and differentiate the types.
There are, for instance, true hymns (in the sense of the his-
torical definition) in use in New Mexico. But they are very
different from, let us say, the religious decima or from the
unmeasured alabados of the Penitentes or from the Peni-
tente chants (apparently derived musically from the Hebrew
Psalm Tone) used in the churches during the Tenievolas
ceremony and others. To lump all of these together under
the term alabados is to ignore their differences.
The texts used by Professor Rael are composite versions
based in some cases on several different versions. This proc-
ess of synthesis is entirely appropriate particularly when
accompanied by adequate notes such as that at pages 22 and
23 describing the process by which he arrived at his com-
posite text.
The music which accompanies various texts in folk music
differs widely and there are several musical recordings in
254 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
the Rael collection at the Library of Congress which bear no
resemblance to these transcribed by Miss Hague, although
bearing the same title. It would eliminate confusion, there-
fore, if the particular melody transcribed were identified or,
where practical, the various melodies were all set forth in
the study. In some of the transcriptions the text of the first
verse is set forth beneath the musical notes. In others no
words are included. I realize that it is impractical and pro-
hibitively expensive to set forth musical transcriptions of
all verses with the words of each verse but, particularly
when dealing with unmeasured music, the method by which
the words are adapted to the music is important from a mu-
sicological standpoint at least, and the generally adopted com-
promise has been to include the words of the first verse. How-
ever, there may have been a good reason for this omission.
As for the comments on the music, some tabulation of
ranges, scales employed, and of the rhythms, musical forms,
and other musical characteristics, as well as some attempt to
document or at least argue the opinion (with which, inciden-
tally, I agree in part) that "the roots of this music lie in the
Catholic Church ritual," would have been in order.
I cannot agree with the conclusion that they do not lie
so far back as to be making use of the ancient modes of the
Church. I have collected some examples which I should
classify as modal. I think that there is evidence that some
of the examples in this volume are really modal. For instance,
the second transcription, Al Pie de Este Santo Altar, appears
to me to be in the Hypo-aeolian mode (incomplete). If it
were truly a minor melody, a G sharp would have been
called for in the second and fourth measures from the end.
Miss Hague would no doubt classify this melody as in the
natural minor scale, which is identical with the Aeolian
mode. It seems more logical, in view of the probability that
these melodies are derived from plainsong, to classify it as
a modal melody. Ill, For el Rastro de la Cruz, appears from
the transcription to be in the Aeolian mode, otherwise an E
natural would again have been called for. In example number
seven, En Una Corporacion, the alteration of a natural to a
sharp follows one of the rules of the mediaeval practice of
BOOK REVIEWS 255
musica ficta which results in true modulation in the modal
sense between the Ionian and Aeolian modes. It must be re-
membered that our major scale was known in the sixteenth
century as the Ionian mode. Example number eight appears
to be another case of modulation between Ionian and Aeolian
modes.
Notwithstanding these comments (which I hope will be
taken in the friendly spirit in which they are offered) , I com-
mend this work to all students who wish to know more of
the New Mexican Alabado.
J. D. ROBB
University of New Mexico
Lieutenant Emory Reports. A Reprint of Lieutenant W. H.
Emory's Notes of a Military Reconnoissance. Introduc-
tion by Ross Calvin, Ph.D. Albuquerque: The University
of New Mexico Press, 1951. Pp. iii, 208. $4.50.
It is nearly always a satisfaction to have an old docu-
ment of historical significance reissued, even though cir-
cumstances may require its presentation in shortened form.
Whoever is interested in southwestern history will probably
welcome this condensed version of Emory's famous journal,
one of the first reliable descriptions of at least a portion of
the country between Santa Fe and southern California.
Minus most of the precise scientific data found in the appen-
dix of the original edition of a century ago, the present re-
print still has considerable value for quick, easy reference
purposes as well as for its intrinsic interest.
Not much need be said of Emory's literary style or of
the validity of his judgments. He was, after all, making a
"quickie" tour through the Southwest for military purposes
in 1846-1847. Such errors as he made are quite excusable, if
we consider that he was, along with Captain Abraham R.
Johnston, a first observer of the region thru Anglo-American
eyes, and largely dependent upon hearsay for information
about any part of it off General Kearny's route. As such his
journal still seems full of a freshness of style and an almost
boyish curiosity about the strange new land. His account of
256 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
the campaigns in southern California is also pleasantly free
from rancor and prejudice against Mexicans.
On the whole, the editing, notes and introduction by Dr.
Calvin are well done. There are few typographical errors
and those of no importance. One is tempted to ask the editor,
however, why an old and nearly self-sufficient, isolated fron-
tier community like New Mexico should have any other kind
of agriculture than "only subsistence farming," or why the
New Mexicans should be expected to practice any industry
beyond that necessary for purely domestic uses (Introduc-
tion, p. 14) . Subsistence farming and domestic industry have
for centuries been adequate for Mexico and are still to be
found in parts of the country. It might also be pointed out
(note 95, p. 203), that the famous Casa Grande is not near
the town of that name in Arizona, but is rather in the out-
skirts of the town of Coolidge.
One of the more commendable features of the book and
one which could hardly have been omitted, is the reproduc-
tion of pertinent portions of Emory's well known map. It is
regrettable, to this reviewer at least, that one or two of the
inimitable old-time sketches could not also have been in-
cluded, just for the sake of flavor — perhaps that of the Casa
Grande, or the Gila-Colorado junction, or an Indian portrait.
Possibly a short index might likewise have added to the con-
venience value of the work. But it is still a very desirable
volume, and both editor and publishers are to be congratu-
lated upon it. A hope might also be expressed for future re-
prints of other Emory writings, or those of later boundary
surveyors. Some of their accounts are fully as interesting as
Emory's.
RUFUS KAY WYLLYS
Arizona State College
Report of Miguel Ramos Arizpe to the Spanish Cortes, No-
vember 7, 1811. By Miguel Ramos Arizpe. Translation,
Annotations and Introduction by Nettie Lee Benson and
published by the Institute of Latin-American Studies,
BOOK REVIEWS 257
University of Texas, No. XI. Austin : The University of
Texas Press, 1950. Pp. 61.
Miguel Ramos Arizpe, a priest and deputy for the Prov-
ince of Coahuila to the Spanish Cortes, was one of Mexico's
great liberal leaders, deserving to rank with such men as Dr.
Jose Maria Luis Mora, Gomez Farias, and Benito Juarez.
Since he was the person chiefly responsible for the formula-
tion of the federal Constitution of 1824 under which Mexico
lived for ten years and which served as the model for the
later liberal Constitutions of 1857 and 1917, it is of value to
study this report, made in the last years of the colonial era,
to the Spanish Cortes on the natural, economic and civil con-
dition of the four Eastern Interior Provinces of the Kingdom
of Mexico: Coahuila, Nuevo Leon, Nuevo Santander and
Texas. The first twenty-two sections of the report summarize
economic, social, educational, military and governmental
conditions and defects in the Spanish administrative system
in these four Provinces. Sections twenty-two through thirty-
one contain the deputy's forthright but respectful recommen-
dations for reform.
For his expressed liberalism, Miguel Ramos Arizpe was
imprisoned for six years. To give some idea of his liberal
views, the following statements from his report are worthy
of note. Ramos Arizpe, born in San Nicolas on the northern
frontier in 1775, had come to love the land and in speaking
of agriculture he said, "it is the source of the true wealth of
nations, the worthy occupation of man, the principal founda-
tion of the most solid happiness of the citizen and the most
secure wealth of the state." In describing the people in the
provinces, he reported : "Agriculture has in general formed
their character, and as they have been employed day and
night in the harvest and systematic cultivation of the soil,
from which alone they derive their sustenance, they are
truly inflexible to intrigue, virtuously steadfast, haters of
tyranny and disorder, justly devoted to true liberty and na-
turally the most inclined toward all the moral and political
virtues." In his report, Ramos Arizpe denounced all forms
of tyranny, and he favored local and provincial autonomy
258 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
as one of the safeguards against it. His ideas on government
sowed the seeds of federalism, and he later penned the first
federal constitution for Mexico.
Ramos Arizpe was a man of vision, and in his report he
pointed out the latent economic possibilities of the area. He
encouraged immigration into the northern provinces to off-
set the retarding influence of underpopulation. At the same
time and as another reason for populating this region, he
recognized the growing power of the United States to the
north and her growing interest in the great Southwest. He
observed that taxation and transportation costs had made
it almost impossible for the peon to live. For example, "of
what advantage can it be to the hungry to have flour if it
costs more than the whole is worth to make it into bread?"
To encourage commerce and industry, Ramos Arizpe sug-
gested that special organizations be established for that
specific purpose.
Ramos Arizpe decried the lack of educational facilities
in the provinces of Coahuila, Nuevo Le6n, Nuevo Santander,
and Texas. Students of Texas history will recall that this
continued to be reason for discontent and was one of the
causes for the Texas Revolution. He pointed out that "pub-
lic" education is one of the first duties of every wise govern-
ment" and that "only despots and tyrants keep the populace
in ignorance in order the more easily to violate their rights."
Education, he believed, was the fundamental "basis of gen-
eral happiness and prosperity" of all people.
Referring to the colonial administrative system and exist-
ing governmental conditions, Ramos Arizpe observed : "And
as might has prevailed, the most sacred rights of man have
been trodden under foot and measures adopted to insure on
the throne and in its surroundings stupidity, arbitrary
power, despotism, and a thousand times vice itself. To this
end, the other aggregates of ignorance were utilized. The
study of natural law and the rights of man was prohibited."
No wonder, then, when Ferdinand VII returned to his throne
in 1814 and autocratic government was reinstated, Ramos
Arizpe was imprisoned for these statements. While he was
in prison for his liberal views, his influence was felt through-
BOOK REVIEWS 259
out Latin America through his Report. It was translated
into English and was widely circulated in both English and
Spanish.
Possibly the greatest importance of Ramos Arizpe's Re-
port, says Miss Benson, who has done a splendid piece of
work in translating and annotating it, "is the insight it gives
into the character and ideas of the father of the Mexican
Constitution of 1824, which served as the framework of the
present Mexican Constitution." On the whole it would also
seem that his Report was a "conservative rather than an
exaggerated picture of the natural condition of the four
Eastern Interior Provinces of North America" at that time
and hence its importance and interest today to students of
Mexican-United States relations, particularly to students of
the history and development of the Southwestern United
States. Teachers, as well as students, of the history of the
States of our Southwest will certainly profit from reading
this interesting Report to the Spanish Cortes.
The Institute of Latin- American Studies of the University
of Texas is to be congratulated on the selection and publi-
cation of this essential document as Volume XI in its Latin-
American Studies series.
THOMAS E. COTNER
U. S. Office of Education
and George Washington University
The Historical Society of New Mexico
Organized December 26, 1859
PAST PRESIDENTS
1859 — COL. JOHN B. GRAYSON, U. S. A.
1861 — MAJ. JAMES L. DONALDSON, U. S. A.
1863 — HON. KIRBY BENEDICT
adjourned sine die, Sept. tS, 1863
re-established Dec. 27, 1880
1881 — HON. WILLIAM G. HITCH
1883 — HON. L. BRADFORD PRINCE
1923 — HON. FRANK W. CLANCY
1925 — COL. RALPH E. TWITCHELL
1926 — PAUL A. F. WALTER
OFFICERS FOR 1948-1949
PAUL A. F. WALTER, President
PEARCE C. RODEY, Vice-President
WAYNE L. MAUZY, Corresponding Secretary
ALBERT G. ELY, Treasurer
Miss HESTER JONES, Recording Secretary
FELLOWS
PERCY M. BALDWIN CHARLES W. HACKETT
RALPH P. BIEBER GEORGE P. HAMMOND
HERBERT E. BOLTON FREDERICK W. HODGE
HERBERT 0. BRAYER J. LLOYD MECHAM
FRAY ANGELICO CHAVEZ THEODOSIUS MEYER, O.F.M.
REV. STANLEY CROCCHIOLA FRANK D. REEVE
MARION DARGAN FRANCE V. SCHOLES
CHARLES E. DIBBLE ALFRED B. THOMAS
AURELIO M. ESPINOSA THEODORE TREUTHLEIN
PAUL A. F. WALTER
260
Historical Review
Palace of the Governors, Santa Fe
October, 1951
Editors
FRANK D. REEVE PAUL A. F. WALTER
Associates
PERCY M. BALDWIN GEORGE P. HAMMOND
FRANCE V. SCHOLES THEODOSIUS MEYER, O.F.M.
ARTHUR J. O. ANDERSON
VOL. XXVI OCTOBER, 1951 No. 4
CONTENTS
Page
The Rough Riders
Royal A. Prentice 261
Fort Union Memories
Genevieve La Tourrette 277
A Boy's Eye View of the Old Southwest
James K. Hastings 287
Washington Ellsworth Lindsey
(concluded) Ira C. Ihde . 302
Checklist of New Mexico Publications
(continued) Wilma Loy Shelton 325
Notes and Documents 332
Book Reviews 342
THE NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW is published jointly by the Historical Society
of New Mexico and the University of New Mexico. Subscription to the quarterly is
$3.00 a year in advance; single numbers, except those which have become scarce, are
$1.00 each.
Business communications should be addressed to Mr. P. A. F. Walter, State
Museum, Santa Fe, N. M. ; manuscripts and editorial correspondence should be
addresed to Prof. Frank D. Reeve, University of New Mexico, Albuquerque, N. M.
Entered as second-class matter at Santa Fe, New Mexico
UNIVERSITY PRESS, ALBUQUERQUE, N. M.
Lieutenant Royal A. Prentice
NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL
REVIEW
VOL. XXVI OCTOBER, 1951 No. 4
THE ROUGH RIDERS
By ROYAL A. PRENTICE
Personalities
A SHORT synopsis of my personal history will be on an
average the story of each man in Troop E.1 My parents
moved from New York State and arrived in Las Vegas, New
Mexico, in the early part of the year 1879, before the rail-
road had reached that point ; the latter part of the trip was
made by buckboard drawn by a pair of mules. Our home
remained in Las Vegas, but my father bought a ranch near
the junction of the Tecolote and Pecos Rivers and some of
my earliest recollections are of my mother riding "Side
Saddle" with long flowing skirts as she accompanied my
father on various horseback journeys throughout the dis-
trict. Mother was an expert horsewoman, but it is still a
mystery to me how anyone could keep a seat upon a pitching
horse, riding side saddle. During the winters I attended
school in Las Vegas, but late spring, summer and early fall
was spent upon the ranch.
In those days, as now, cattle raising was the principal
industry of the Territory, seconded by many residents of
the settlements who busied themselves in the art of relieving
the cowmen of their surplus cash by means of games of
chance of every description. Everyone kept horses and they
were used in the same manner that autos are kept today for
1. The narrative pertains strictly to happenings in Troop E, Captain Fritz
Muller, commanding. We were kept so busy with troop duties that we had no oppor-
tunity to visit, or become acquainted with members of the other Troops of the Regi-
ment, much as we would like to have mingled with them.
261
262 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
running errands and in attending to one's daily business.
Everyone carried, or was supposed to have on his person,
a six shooter, derringer, pepperbox, or with some a bowie
knife. When traveling, a saddle gun, or carbine, was carried
under the skirts of the saddle. Life in the communities was
a mixture of gay hilarity mixed with stark tragedy.
When New Mexico was a part of Old Mexico, the Gov-
ernment of Mexico made grants of land to many of its citi-
zens provided they would move to New Mexico and establish
colonies. Later these grants were confirmed by a United
States Court of Claims, but at that time eastern interests
had entered the Territory, bought up titles to these grants
and later had them confirmed for an acreage many times
greater than that intended by the Mexican Government.
In the early 1890's the owners of these grants began court
proceedings to dispossess the settlers on the grants with
resulting bitterness and ill-feeling followed by the cutting
of fences, stealing cattle and other depredations by groups
wearing white hoods similar to present day Ku-Kluxers;
these groups were so powerful that the regular officers of
the law were unable to cope with them, and the "White
Caps" gradually deteriorated into gangs of outlaws engaged
in thievery and murder.
To partially meet the situation a company of the Na-
tional Guard was organized in Las Vegas as Company I,
otherwise known as the "Otero Guards" in honor of Miguel
A. Otero, a Las Vegas boy, then Governor of New Mexico.
These men, acting as guardsmen and as individual members
of posses, became active in breaking up and exterminating
the members of the gangs and by 1897 they were entirely
destroyed so that the gangs were no longer a menace to the
community, but in the process the members of the Guard
unit became highly skilled in methods of "Indian Warfare"
and were quite accustomed to hear rifle bullets whistling
by them, luckily but few such bullets found their mark. The
Company was made up of men native to New Mexico of
Spanish descent together with Anglos who had moved into
the Territory from the East, all of whom were equally at
home speaking either Spanish or English ; they were experts
THE ROUGH RIDERS 263
in the use of firearms ; they firmly believed they could ride
anything that walked, and with their slickers and saddle
blankets in which were rolled little bags of flour, bacon and
coffee, with a lariat fastened to the saddle horn, they could
get along anywhere in the open, provided they had a horse
to ride; on foot, with their high-heeled boots, they were
practically helpless.
As the Cuban Revolution gathered speed, culminating
in the blowing up of the Maine, popular demand throughout
the country for intervention increased and the members of
Company I felt certain they would be called into service;
they put in more time at drills and in making long marches
in preparation for such hoped for service, but it soon became
apparent that it would be a long time before units from New
Mexico would be called, as the more populous eastern States
with their organizations with many years' experience would
be first enlisted.
The Organization of Troop E
One afternoon in the early spring of 1898 one of my
friends who afterwards became my bunky, Sergeant Hugh
B. Wright, came to see me with the news that the then
Assistant Secretary of the Navy, Theodore Roosevelt, was
organizing a regiment to be made up of men from the
Southwest ; men who could ride, were familiar with the use
of firearms, and who could care for themselves with only
their horse, slicker and saddle blankets, and the press dis-
patch which he showed me contained a promise that the
men who enlisted in this organization would see fighting,
and that it would be a regiment of cavalry. Within two
hours after the receipt of the message a group left Las
Vegas bound for Santa Fe which had been designated as the
place for assembly.
At Santa Fe we were assigned quarters in one of the
barrack buildings of Old Fort Marcy which had long since
been abandoned. The room was completely devoid of furni-
ture, but we obtained a blanket apiece from the National
Guard Company of Santa Fe and as for meals, we got them
when and where they happened to be available. In a few days
264 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
we were joined by men from Clayton, Cerrillos, and other
scattered communities so that the complement of our Troop
was soon completed. We held a meeting of the men and de-
cided to join the men from Santa Fe ; we then elected Fritz
Muller, formerly a member of the Sixth Cavalry and later
Captain of the Santa Fe Company of the New Mexico Na-
tional Guard, as the Captain of Troop E, and we never had
cause to regret our choice for he was in every way qualified
for leadership, and no better soldier or finer gentleman
ever lived than Captain Muller. Requiescat en Pacem.
From some unknown source we were issued the old style
blue uniforms worn by the army, together with the type
of caps worn by the soldiers of the Civil War, but the uni-
forms were trimmed with the white of the Infantry which
we soon changed to the Cavalry Yellow from some bolts of
cloth found upon the shelves of one of the stores. Shoes were
a problem as nearly all of the men wore high-heeled cowboy
boots which were entirely unsuitable for walking and nearly
impossible for dismounted drill. It was ludicrous to watch
some of the troopers, while drilling, attempt to change step ;
some of the older men never did learn the trick.
All of us were busy during the day and far into the
night at various tasks which we deemed to be of importance ;
Troops F, G, and H came in and were quartered in barracks
adjoining ours, causing immediately heated discussions as
to the relative capabilities of the various officers, their
Troops, and the individual members; the arguments many
times resulted in fist fights, to the great enjoyment of the
onlookers, but such skirmishes only resulted in welding the
squadron into a closer and better organization, tempered
with mutual respect. One rule was agreed upon by all ; the
use of a certain phrase indicating some relationship between
a trooper and a member of the canine family constituted
fighting words, and to this day when I hear the phrase used
I immediately look for the resulting fight. All in all, the
troopers were well behaved; everyone was trying to con-
form to regulations and become a good soldier, and the very
few who failed to enter into the spirit pervading the camp
were quietly dropped.
THE ROUGH RIDERS 265
One day word was brought that Governor Otero wished
to see me ; I called upon the Governor and was told that he
intended to give me a commission, but it would have to be
in a troop other than Troop E ; I begged off and asked to
be permitted to go with the other boys in Troop E as a non-
com. Fate is peculiar, had I accepted the commission I would
have been attached to one of the Troops that were left be-
hind to take care of the horses and would never have gotten
to Cuba.
Finally word came that we were to be sworn into the
service of the Government of the United States. It was a
solemn moment for all; many attended at the Cathedral,
others attempted to furbish up their equipment, others just
stood around talking excitedly until we were formed in line
on the Plaza in front of the Old Governor's Palace, (A fitting
setting for the ceremony) where the oath was administered
and we became the Second Squadron of the First Cavalry,
United States Volunteers, and from that time we attempted
to conform to Army Regulations.
One of the hardest lessons we had to learn was that of
unquestioning obedience to an order; it was so easy to ask
"why," and then enter into a discussion as to the necessity
of carrying out the mandate of the order, or to point out
the benefits to be derived from putting off its execution
until tomorrow, the latter in particular as we had been
raised in the "Land of Mariana," but we soon overcame this
trait and the phrase "Its an Order," settled all argument.
Captain Muller early impressed upon us the fact that when
he issued an order he considered the matter as settled and
the order carried out.
Assembling the Squadrons
After being sworn into the service we entrained for San
Antonio, Texas, which had been designated as the mobiliza-
tion point; the trip was practically without incident, other
than being rather monotonous. Most of us were unfamiliar
with the cotton industry, although we had read and heard
of many incidents connected with cotton raising, so that
the cotton fields, cotton gins, cotton compresses, and the
266 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
storing of baled cotton along the way became a subject of
interest. I recall one incident of the trip; upon arrival at
Gainesville, Texas, one morning we found the station plat-
form crowded with young ladies wearing sunbonnets and
busily engaged in serving hot coffee; never before or since
have I seen a group of girls that could compare with those
girls with their fresh beauty and laughing eyes all framed
by the becoming sunbonnets. We all wanted to arrange for
round trip tickets back to Gainesville! When our blue uni-
forms were issued to us at Santa Fe it was impressed upon
us that the brass buttons on them were valued at fifty cents
each and that we would be held responsible for their remain-
ing on the coats until they were turned in. In those days the
girls used such buttons to be made up into hat pins, cer-
tainly they were lethal weapons, but when we pulled out of
Gainesville there wasn't a brass button in the entire
squadron; however, horseshoe nails make fine substitutes.
Upon arrival at San Antonio, Texas, we detrained at
Riverside Park, a former race track and fair ground lo-
cated about five miles from downtown San Antonio, and
were there given quarters upon the floor of the Pavilion.
Since we were tired from the train trip we turned in early
and soon everything was quiet and peaceful, but not for
long as I was awakened with a start to find a shoe that
someone had thrown wrapped around my head; having no
immediate use for the shoe, I threw it back to the owner,
but in the darkness aiming was bad for it struck and aroused
another sleeper and very soon the pavilion was a pande-
monium of flying shoes, and everything else that could be
thrown, so that we all broke for the open and spent the rest
of the night in the open. The next day the boys from Arizona
claimed to have won the first skirmish as they stayed in the
pavilion, nevertheless, we moved and found quarters upon
the benches of the grandstand where we remained for the
rest of our stay in reasonable peace and quiet. Some of the
troops got hold of shelter tents and pitched them in front
of the pavilion, but they must have been uncomfortable as
it was hot and the grounds were very dusty.
Guards were stationed along the fence surrounding the
THE ROUGH RIDERS 267
grounds, but we managed to so loosen a board that it would
swing aside and permit passage, and after the day's work
was done there would be hardly a man left in camp, as
each troop had its own gateway. At roll call one or two of the
boys would answer to each name and then report made
to the officer of the day "All present and accounted for,"
but there is little doubt that he placed much reliance upon
our veracity. By watching the man on guard there was little
trouble in getting out through the hole in the fence, but it
was a different story when returning. Troop E had a pro-
gram that solved the difficulty ; during the day word would
be passed that a certain platoon would be excused that night,
the only requirement being that all must be at the hole
by midnight. At midnight Captain Muller would walk along
the guard lines and engage the guard in conversation to-
gether with a detailed explanation of the duties of the
guard and the proper method of walking a beat; in the
meantime shadowy figures eased through the hole and rolled
out upon the parade ground. In a very few days economic
conditions made the hole useless; cab drivers charged five
dollars for the trip to town where gambling was wide open
and in no time the Troop was cleaned out of cash.
The water at the Park came from artesian wells ; it was
warm and insipid while outside was a beer stand with ice
cold beer and how we longed for just one bottle after drilling
in the hot sun. One day when we had marched seemingly for
hours over dusty roads and through dense thickets in the
blazing heat, Colonel Roosevelt directed the proprietor of
one of the beer stands to give the men what they wanted;
nectar never tasted as good as that beer, but at no time
did I ever see such courtesies abused.
At another time we were invited to attend a band concert
at a pavilion near the Park; toward the close of the pro-
gram the band played a selection called "Custer's Last
Charge," during which members of the band fired several
shots. This must have stirred memories in the mind of some
trooper in the audience, for he blazed away and shot out
one of the electric lights ; immediately every light became a
target and in no time at all all the lights were shot out — the
268 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
band scrambled from the stage, women screamed and we
ducked and drifted back to quarters like little boys who had
been caught in the jam closet. The next day the San Antonio
Light carried a blistering editorial regarding the occurrence,
and I believe they were the first to call us "Rough Riders,"
nor did they mean it as an honorable designation.
I recall another incident while at drill in column of fours,
I was at the head of the column and Captain Muller was
nearby, at the side, and the column was headed straight
for a railroad cut about twenty feet deep with a railroad
track at the bottom; as we approached the brink I had
visions of men and horses piled in an inextricable mass upon
the track at the bottom. We kept listening for the trumpet to
direct a turn, but none came and I could see that Captain
Muller didn't like the prospect any better than did we, but
over we went, the men freeing their feet from their stirrups
as the horses slid down the wall ; luckily the horses landed
on their feet and during the moment's hesitation of the men
at the top the men below were able to move out of the
way so there were no resulting casualties. Of course, it
was an oversight on someone's part in failing to give the
proper command ; nevertheless, it was a lesson in obedience
to orders that was well learned and thereafter became
invaluable.
The horses that were given to us were mostly unbroken
range horses, with a sprinkling of outlaws, but to us from
the short grass country they were welcomed like long lost
friends. Our Troop were given white-faced sorrels ; the one
I drew was a big rangy outlaw with a bad eye and badly
locoed; however, we got along famously together and he
really seemed glad to see me again when our horses were
returned to us upon our arrival at Camp Wikoff, Montauk
Point, Long Island. After getting our horses it was a sight
for sore eyes to witness our first attempts to form a line
while mounted ; the horses hadn't the slightest idea of what
was wanted of them : some of the horses seemed to think we
were getting ready for a race while others considered it a
free-for-all and proceeded to pitch, bite, strike and kick at
everything near them. In a comparatively short time we had
THE ROUGH RIDERS 269
the horses gentled so that they would quiet down after a
half hour's tussle in the morning.
Our first drill consisted in forming a line in extended
order leaving about three feet between each horse in order
to keep them quiet, and after hours of work we finally ob-
tained the semblance of a line and the order was given to
march. At that time one of the men considered such an
auspicious occasion should be celebrated and yanked his six
shooter and fired into the ground at the side of his horse
with the immediately resulting celebration turning into a
howling success; every horse in the line decided to go else-
where without delay. There was a creek with banks about
six feet high at the far end of the parade ground and many
of the horses made a bee line for this creek and into it with
their riders from which they came out wet and bedraggled,
the men with blood in their eyes and guns in hand demand-
ing that they be shown the trooper who fired the shot. Need-
less to say he remains unknown to this day.
One day word was passed around that we were to have
a grand review and inspection by a high regular Army
officer, so everyone got busy polishing equipment, shining
brass trimmings and getting clothing neat and clean, so that
when the time came for us to pass the reviewing stand we
felt that we were making a splendid showing; this must
have been true because the reviewing officer stated that he
had never witnessed a worse demonstration.
We had considerable difficulty in getting used to the
McClellan saddles used by the Army as they were not in-
tended to be used for breaking broncs, but later we found
them very comfortable and well adapted for the use for
which they were intended ; the same held true for the Army
shoes, they looked rough and clumsy, but later it developed
that they were the most comfortable shoes we had ever
worn. We were equipped with long cavalry sabers, but
drilled with them very seldom and never became accustomed
to their use; during drill when mounted we did not draw
them as we were likely to hurt ourselves, and when dis-
mounted they would swing around between our legs, tripping
us into a nasty fall. Upon arrival in Cuba we discarded them
270 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
and equipped ourselves with machetes taken from the
Spaniards as we found them on the battlefields ; the machetes
were very practical. At San Antonio, Sunday afternoons
were devoted to the reading of the Articles of War to the
Regiment while the men were drawn up in formation and
standing at attention ; the reading took about two hours and
it was a real penance as no one knew or cared what the
Articles were about, and the sun was blistering hot !
Finally, if memory serves, about the Ninth of May, 1898,
we were directed to entrain for Tampa, Florida. I was in
charge of the train carrying the horses and equipment of
E Troop and it turned out to be one of the pleasantest expe-
riences of the campaign. At the end of each day's run we
stopped at stockyards where the horses were unloaded, fed
and watered by the railway employees who gave us the use
of a switch engine to take the men into town for the evening.
One night we unloaded at Algiers, Louisiana, and crossed the
Mississippi River to New Orleans for the evening; I felt
sure the men would not get back in time to leave next
morning, but at roll call every man was present. Passing
through Georgia we were furnished with a small woodburn-
ing locomotive and at the slightest indication of an upgrade
it stopped while the negro firemen carried cordwood from
piles along the track and fed the furnace until we had steam
enough to reach the top, in the meantime we strolled along
the right of way and learned something about the manu-
facture of turpentine. Upon arrival at Tampa we found no
chutes through which to unload the horses and they were
forced to jump from the cars to the ground. All in all, none
but a bunch of range horses could have survived the various
adventures encountered by those horses.
Our stay at Tampa was rather uneventful as we were
kept busy getting up our shelter tents, caring for the horses,
getting our equipment in good order, with some drilling. In
digging the pit for one of the latrines I was told that an alli-
gator was dug out of the sand and mud. At another time
some regular troops had gotten out of hand over in the town
of Tampa, and were literally tearing up the place. A call
was sent over to our camp asking us to go in and restore
THE ROUGH RIDERS 271
order ; we left hastily with high expectations of a good scrap,
but upon our arrival everything had quieted down and there
was nothing for us to do.
We had in our Troop a Baptist Minister named Morrison,
a good man and a good Trooper, but he knew little about
riding broncs. The Cavalry spurs have small rowels with
sharp points and they will cut a horse badly if improperly
used. Most of us rode bareback most of the time while attend-
ing to our various duties, but we were careful never to wear
spurs. However, some of the men persuaded Morrison that
he should wear spurs, and if his horse pitched to jam the
spurs into its side and thus hold on. The results were disas-
trous; the horse, of course, went wild, ran down by the
railroad and threw Morrison against a coal car so that he
was crippled and laid up for many months. Morrison had the
longest mustache I ever saw ; while eating he had to use one
hand to raise the drapery in order to get the food in his
mouth. I have often wondered whether he lost it in the
hospital.
Young colored boys frequented the camp ; we used them
to good advantage to help us with our chores and they in
turn taught us many of the secrets required to properly roll
'em for a seven. The pictures taken after we left camp were
given me by a fellow Trooper. The boys left behind are
entitled to as much, or more credit than we who went across.
It was a terrible disappointment to them.
My tent was at the end of our street, immediately oppo-
site Regimental Headquarters. While sitting in front of my
tent one day I heard a discussion going on over the fact that
orders had been received directing that our Regiment be
sent to Cuba as dismounted cavalry, the horses to be left
at Tampa until a later date, and one Troop out of each
Squadron was to be left behind to care for the horses and
equipment. I immediately reported to Captain Muller and
he lost no time in presenting himself at Headquarters and
obtained the assurance that Troop E would not be left
behind.
On the Seventh of June we were ordered to break camp
and move over to the railroad track where we would entrain
272 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
for Port Tampa and there get aboard our transport. Early
in the day we had everything packed into our blanket rolls
and again encountered the bane of a soldier's life, waiting
for something to happen. Some of the men started poker
games, while others busied themselves hatching up rumors
to be transmitted by grapevine, but finally we moved over
to the railroad track and again waited in expectation of a
train that would take us the eight miles to Fort Tampa,
but none came.
About daylight an engine hauling some empty coal cars
appeared and were stopped; some of the officers arranged
with the train crew to take us to Port Tampa where we
unloaded on the docks for another wait running into hours
while our officers tried to find out something about the ship
we were to take and when we could get on it. In some way
they captured the Yucatan and we were told that other
troops were trying to get aboard and it was up to us to get
there first. Needless to say, we needed no urging and were
on board even before the gangplanks were lowered. The
boat was a small one and we filled it from the lower hold
to the top deck; every inch of space was taken. My space
was on the deck, immediately in front of the door of the
stateroom occupied by one of the ship's officers and every
time he came out of his stateroom he took great delight in
stepping squarely on my neck or shoulders.
After we boarded the transport, the ship pulled out into
the Bay and there we stopped for a number of days during
which time we amused ourselves by laundering our clothes
and swimming about the ship. We had been issued a coarse,
yellow soap with wrappings stating that it was "Salt Water
Soap" and guaranteed to lather freely and bring clothes out
white when washed in sea water ; the maker of the guaranty
must have had his fingers crossed when writing it out. The
sailors on the ship put in their spare time narrating the
phenomena which we would encounter on the sea in the
nature of waterspouts, hurricanes, the Sargasso Sea with
its Doldrums, together with the venomous reptiles, boa
constrictors, gorillas, giant land crabs, monkeys that threw
coconuts with deadly aim and even wild men inhabiting the
THE ROUGH RIDERS 273
jungles of Cuba. All stories were duly transmitted by grape-
vine, with such embellishments as came to the mind of the
instant narrator.
Among these stories there was one to the effect that
Tampa Bay was infested by Man-eating sharks and that,
since the arrival of the transports, great schools of such
sharks had arrived in the Bay ; thereafter we swam in relays
and those men remaining on the ship were lined along the
rail with their carbines and by firing over the swimmers'
heads they were supposed to keep the sharks at a distance.
I don't know whether such sharks are found in Tampa Bay,
but while swimming one morning the men commenced shout-
ing "Shark" and firing at the water back of me ; I thought it
was a joke until happening to look up at the bridge I saw
the Ship's Captain yelling and swinging his arms directing
us to come in quickly. You may be sure right then the world's
swimming record for speed was broken. Finally the fleet got
under way and we left the sea-green water of Tampa Bay
and the Gulf for the blue of the Caribbean where the Atlantic
waves caused the ship to roll considerably, to the discomfort
of many of the men.
We had been held in Tampa Bay so long that our rations
began to run low and we were issued canned tomatoes, hard-
tack, occasionally a can of peaches with condensed milk
together with canned beef (which was unfit to eat and was
thrown out the port holes). At first there was plenty as
many of the boys were not eating, but soon a can of tomatoes,
a can of peaches and a can of milk was issued to eight men,
together with unlimited supplies of hardtack. The cans were
opened and passed around the squad and each man took a
spoonful from the can as it passed, AND NO MORE ! After
two weeks on shipboard before landing this fare had made
the men ravenous, so much so that some of the men who
were more familiar with life on shipboard than others paid
the dining-room steward five dollars a meal for the scraps
coming from the officers' tables. The night before we landed
we gained entrance to the ship's galley and, finding the
necessary ingredients, began turning out great pansful of
biscuits and these, with great cans of imitation preserves,
274 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
were passed out to the men throughout the night and it had
a wonderful effect upon the men the next day during the
strenuous work of landing.
Several incidents occurred on the trip over; as we look
back at them some were ludicrous, while others might well
be forgotten. One day a small dispatch boat came alongside
with orders for our transport to drop back and accompany
another transport which was towing some sort of landing
barge and therefore it was unable to keep up with the rest
of the fleet. We felt very proud of the fact that we had been
selected as an escort to protect the lagging transport from
Cervera's Fleet. One day a smoke was seen on the horizon
and the grapevine reported that it was one of Cervera's
battleships coming up to attack; we got out our carbines,
cleaned and oiled them, saw that our belts were filled with
cartridges and made all necessary arrangements to give
that battleship a hot reception and protect our convoy ; how-
ever, Cervera's battleship was saved from destruction from
our carbines because the smoke was being made by one of
our own ships.
We had Guard mount each day on the ship and guards
were posted at strategic places, among them a post away
down at the bottom of the ship in Stygian darkness among
boxes and bales and miscellaneous cargo. I was put on duty
as Sergeant of the Guard one rainy afternoon ; we were so
crowded that the sentries could not walk a beat and in fact
there was no way to distinguish a sentry from a man off
duty. About midnight I changed the guard and directed the
sentry who had the post at the bottom of the ship to take
his blankets along and make himself comfortable and he
would be called in time for breakfast. Going on top I found
the rest of the sentries resting comfortably, so crawled
under a canvas stretched over a boom and retired for the
rest of the night.
We had on board some officers and men of the Second
Cavalry and one of these was the officer of the day. Probably
he couldn't sleep, but in any event during the early hours of
the morning he decided to make the sentry rounds. I was
not to be found, the other sentries could not be distinguished
THE ROUGH RIDERS 275
from the rest of the sleeping men, but down in the bottom
of the ship he found poor Ben Seaders wrapped in his
blankets and sleeping peacefully against one of the ship's
stanchions. As no one in charge of the guard could be found,
the officer had to content himself to wait until we got around
for breakfast when Captain Muller, in his quiet way, came
over to inquire about the night's happenings and told me
that Ben had been arrested and was locked up some place
on the ship and there was talk that he was to be shot at
sunrise for sleeping at his post. Captain arranged for
me to meet the officer of the day and the officer of the
guard and I explained the situation to them; it must have
been satisfactory for Ben was released and I never heard
anything more about it. One day we were startled by a
gunboat steaming up to us inquiring if our officers needed
help; it later developed that the fleet's grapevine reported
that we had mutinied and taken over the ship, for what
ultimate purpose remains a mystery unless it was to end
the War by delivering our cargo of canned meat to the
Spaniards.
There was a narrow passageway passing by the ship's
galley with a window protected by b?,rs similar to those
used by bank tellers, with an opening on the lower side
about 2,1/2 inches high. The cook took great delight in setting
fragrant pies and other pastry in front of this window so
that we got the full benefit of this aroma in the passageway.
Naturally the boys watched their opportunity and tried to
slip a pie through the opening, when the cook would take a
chop at the hand with a butcher knife. The day before we
landed the cook cut a nasty slash on the hand of one of the
boys which increased the bitterness we felt against him.
Getting into the galley that night the cook was missing and
we never heard of him again.
While waiting for the landing boats to take us off the
transport, the sailors detailed to us again the perils of life
in the tropical jungles; how we must never eat any of the
fruits because of yellow fever; that limbs of trees over-
hanging the trails must be watched lest it turn out to be a
boa constrictor waiting to entrap an unwary trooper in its
276 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
folds to be slowly crushed to death, combined with detailed
instructions regarding the manner in which a knife should
be used in order to cut loose from the folds ; of the accuracy
by which gigantic monkeys could bean one with a coconut
from the top of a palm tree ; that we must never sleep on the
ground, but use a hammock, because of enormous land crabs
that could pinch off an ear or a nose at one fell swoop; of
the deadly bushmaster that struck without rattling, and
worst of all the ever present scorpions whose sting meant
instant death; in fact it began to appear that if the Span-
iards could keep us in the jungle for a few days we would
be so decimated as to become their easy victims. After
landing one of the men was stung on the end of the finger
by a scorpion and he promptly whipped out his pistol and
shot off the end of the finger. Later we found the scorpion's
sting was something like the concentrated sting of a hive
of bees, but it was not fatal.
(To be continued)
FORT UNION MEMORIES
By GENEVIEVE LATOURRETTE *
FORT UNION, N. M., up to the time of its abandonment in
1890, was one of the most important posts on the fron-
tier. It is located on a plateau of many miles of reservation.
The quarters are built of adobe — most comfortable both in
winter and summer owing to the very thick walls and spa-
cious rooms. The climate is most bracing and healthful, so
conducive to health and comfort.
The line of officers' quarters consisted of eight double
sets, and facing these across the parade ground were the
enlisted men's quarters, mess halls, and the adjutant's office.
The line of officers in the quartermaster's depot was sepa-
rated from the line officers by a road leading to the post
traders store and other buildings pertaining thereto. The
depot, a continuation of the line officers' quarters, composed
of four double sets, followed by quarters of several sets
used by the quartermaster sergeants and other employees
of the government, and the post quartermaster's office, were
separated from the former by a fence which inclosed the
q. m. depot on both sides. Opposite the depot officers quar-
ters, across a small parade or square, were the q. m. store
houses, and cavalry stables. The hospital was located about
four hundred yards outside the post.
Troops stationed at Fort Union during the time my
father Chaplain James A. M. LaTourrette was stationed
there— September 1877-1890— were the 15th, 9th, 23d and
10th Inf. and the 9th Cav. The Commanding officers of
these regiments were — Maj. Edward W. Whittemore, 15th
Inf. ; Col. G. 0. Haller, 23rd Inf., retired for age, and suc-
ceeded by Col. Henry M. Black; Col. Henry Douglass, 10th
Inf., retired for age, and succeeded by Col. Henry R. Mizner.
The Arsenal, which was about a mile from the post, was
* Daughter of Major James A. M. LaTourrette, Chaplain, Fort Union 1877-1890.
Married to Major Joseph H. Collins, Assistant Surgeon, Post Hospital.
Submitted for publication by James W. Arrott, Sapello, New Mexico, by courtesy
of the late W. J. Lucas, Las Vegas, New Mexico.
277
278 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
commanded by Capt. W. R. Shoemaker, who had held that
position during 35 or 40 years, and was very highly re-
spected in the surrounding country. That very courtly old
gentleman, who evidently did not believe in the progressive-
ness of that part of the frontier — could not be persuaded to
ride on the Santa Fe R. R. when it made its appearance in
1879, and had not been to Las Vegas for many years. He
preferred his seclusive life within a certain radius of the
arsenal and the garrison, and was constantly in the saddle,
a wonderful horseman, even though in his eighties. His ec-
centricity, perhaps, was due to his extreme deafness, which
was a great detriment, yet he could not be persuaded to use
remedies — rather (they used to say) preferred to have the
ladies put their arms around his neck in order to make him
hear — and very loud they had to speak too !
The arsenal was large and for many years supplied am-
munition throughout the territory.
The daily routine of the soldier began with the rising
of the sun — firing of the cannon and hoisting of the flag —
followed by the bugle sounding call for breakfast — after
which there was drilling of various kinds, target practice,
etc. ; dinner and more drilling, and later in the day recrea-
tion— then retreat at sunset — firing of the cannon as the
flag was lowered.
I often wonder whether the same flag staff is still stand-
ing through all these years since abandonment. I saw the
old one fall during a heavy wind storm, several years before
we left Fort Union in 1890. It was always the rule of the
garrison (and it may be by orders from the War Dept.)
to bury beneath the staff various souvenirs or official papers
in a box. A box was found when the old staff fell, and I
remember witnessing the ceremony with others when the
present or last one was put up ; however, I doubt whether it
is still standing, although one usually lasts many years.
If the flag staff is not there now, the spot where it was
could be found directly in front of the commanding officer's
quarters which is the center set of the first line of officers
quarters, about half way across the parade ground.
The garrison accommodated about twenty-five families
FORT UNION MEMORIES 279
— any amount of children — the safest place in the world to
bring up children (no automobiles those days). I can re-
member when a child at Fort Garland the happy days of
making mud pies, and riding three at a time on the poor
patient burros — the next time I met one of my playmates
(the granddaughter of Gen'l. McClellan) was at a reception
at the White House in Washington, many years after, where
we introduced our children to each other. The social at-
mosphere in a frontier post, such as Fort Union, in those
days, and the happy freedom of all out-of-door life, as well
as in, presented an altogether different view with that of the
present day. For sports we had horseback riding, tennis, etc.
The remote situation of those garrisons and consequent
isolation created an interdependence not found in these days
of adjoining large cities and easy formation of friendship in
civil life. When so infrequently near cities or small towns
where we were able to exchange social courtesies with our
civilian acquaintances, it was always a source of regret that
Las Vegas was not nearer so that we might see more of our
friends who came occasionally, but as a rule only to the
larger functions, dinners, dances, and weddings. During the
thirteen years of my father's station at Fort Union, there
were only five weddings among the officer's families — three
daughters of colonels, my sister's and my own. The quar-
ters were well adapted for entertaining — with halls extend-
ing from the front door to the back, with large rooms on
either side.
In 1885, the prospect of a wedding (my sister Mary's)
in the garrison was an event looked forward to with great
anticipation, almost everyone taking part in the preparation
for the event which was to take place on the 5th of February.
The bridegroom elect, 1st Lieut. J. M. Stotsenburg, 6th Cav.,
was expected to arrive about February 1st.
Out of the clear sky, when everybody was happy and
planning for the wedding and all that goes with it, the gen-
eral assembly was sounded by the several buglers — all run-
ning in different directions that all might hear, which means
fire or hurried orders to the field of action, and all soldiers
fall in formation to receive those orders — generally mean-
280 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
ing that Indian renegades were at large. But in this instance
orders were received from headquarters at Santa Fe for
every officer and soldier who could be spared to leave at
sunrise for the opening strip in Oklahoma. Men worked all
night, leaving but six enlisted men to care for the post, with
two surgeons and the chaplain. As the regiment left, the
band, following the usual custom, escorted them out of the
garrison quite a distance, playing The Girl I Left Behind Me,
which started many a tear to flow. However, the only tele-
graph instrument left in the garrison (outside of the adju-
tant's office) , in the quartermaster's quarters (the regiment
having taken the only operator with it) , began to tick about
5 o'clock that evening in a most excited manner, and no one
to understand what it meant until the wife of the quarter-
master ran from house to house hoping to find someone who
could understand the receiving of this message; a young
nephew who was visiting us was able to make out enough to
let us know the regiment had been stopped at Raton by
orders to return to station as it would not be needed. It is
useless to say there was great joy in the garrison, as it was
very indefinite as to the time of return to their families and
it now meant the wedding would after all take place as
planned. At sundown the band met the regiment outside the
post on its return playing Out of the Wilderness.
A military wedding is a brilliant affair now, and was in
this garrison on the frontier of those days : the large halls
being spacious and well fitted for such occasions, the entire
hall attractively draped with flags and festoons of greens,
the band playing both wedding marches and gay music as we
left. Officers wore their full uniforms, and relatives and
friends in the garrison as well as from Las Vegas attended.
No doubt many who are now in that city remember being
present at our marriages. Bishop Dunlap (then Bishop of
N. M., and living with his family in Las Vegas) officiated
at both our weddings. My sister and her husband left for
the East immediately after their wedding amid the playing
of the band, shoes and plenty of rice being thrown after
them. Doctor Joseph H. Collins and myself were married
about two years before my sister — we spent two happy
FORT UNION MEMORIES 281
weeks at the Old Montezuma Hotel, Las Vegas Hot Springs.
On our return to the post, the hop room had been beautifully
decorated with flags and greens for a reception by the whole
garrison — the usual custom on such occasions, as well as
other functions in receiving a bride into a garrison. How-
ever, mine was only coming home.
Fort Union was also a center for caring for Indian pris-
oners until their return to their reservations.
It was in the summer of 1881 that the general assembly
call was sounded which sent great chills through the hearts
of everybody. On this occasion hurried orders were received
by the commanding officer to send all available troops to the
field without delay. These orders were sent from headquar-
ters at Santa Fe by request of ranchmen who had been
menaced by young renegades who were stealing and killing
their bucks. These alarms many times proved to be that they
were out more or less for a good time, simply frightening
the people rather than to do them harm, and I do not be-
lieve they were much worse than our young boys in large
cities out for a lark. The troops were off in a few hours —
next day was very foggy, so much so we could not see across
the parade ground, and while two young Indian prisoners
were policing the post they took advantage of the fog and
that few men were guarding the post, knocked the sentry
down and made their escape. It was said they leaped like
two deers through the dense fog, and could not be seen when
once in it. They simply flew towards Turkey Mountains,
about a mile away, where they hid until dark — making their
escape back to their reservation (Mescalero Agency) near
Fort Stanton by stealing horses by relays — reaching the
Agency in a few days. The result of this great excitement
they left behind them, when it was found they were gone,
in such a mysterious manner, gave the greatest alarm and
thrills to each of the twenty-five families, who felt sure they
might be hiding in one of their houses. It did not take long
for the members of these twenty-five families, mothers,
children, to sense something wrong, even the dogs — big and
little — whose barking did not add to the serenity of the
occasion — only made matters worse. We all started to hunt,
282 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
for it seemed they really must be somewhere in the post.
We went around in bunches, each fearing they might come
across them in some crack or corner in their houses or barns,
which meant to those who were most nervous sure death,
though that would have been more from fright rather than
anything else. I know it was the greatest thrill of my life —
we even went to the old earth works back of the post, ex-
pecting to come face to face with one of them, around one
of those corners, where parts were rather deep — when all
of a sudden we heard a pistol shot, which proved to be
next door to our house. Of course we thought they had been
found, rushed home, holding on to each other — only to find
that the post surgeon was trying out his pistol to see if it
would work in case it was needed. We all drew a sigh of
relief, though I am quite sure some of us were almost dis-
appointed that we were not able to prove ourselves a heroine
by finding those two young renegades without the assistance
of a man — yet secretly in my heart I was glad they escaped
without further trouble. That evening was spent in telling
of our experiences in the day's excitement. We were all sit-
ting on the end of the porch near the side gate of our yard,
when we heard the shuffling of some kind of noise coming
toward the gate. All was silent, when a poor little innocent
burro poked his head through the gate and gave one of
the loudest and most uncanny brays I ever heard — and I
had heard many. It can only be imagined what that meant
to a flock of frightened women, at a time when we were wait-
ing for something exciting to turn up — however, we drew
a great sigh of relief to find it was our nice little old burro ;
we ended the evening laughing over the affair, but little sleep
was enjoyed that night, because we spent the night listening
through for noises of all sorts, when all the time those poor
Indians were hurrying down to their reservation.
Many times have my thoughts gone back to those days
at Fort Union. The numerous interesting events which took
place during the 13 years of my father's station there — up
to the time of abandonment. An incident happened one day
when the mantlepiece of our next door neighbor, which was
becoming very loose from the wall, was taken down and re-
FORT UNION MEMORIES 283
placed. Between the cracks, which evidently were there for
many years, articles were found — among them a small old
fashioned photograph which proved to be one of my father's
cousin — Doctor Peters and family, who had been stationed
there about twenty years before we arrived. I have always
had the greatest desire to see behind those mantlepieces in
every one of those quarters, for I believe many would bring
to light other articles of interest — what a tale they might
tell.
Toward the latter years at Fort Union, the quarters
needed renovating badly. It seemed impossible for the quar-
termaster to be able to obtain appropriation for repairs.
Inspector after Inspector would be sent there to inspect
them and even their requisitions would be denied the money
by Congress, until the last Inspector came, and that very
day we had one of the worst rain storms we ever experienced
at the post. Roofs were leaking in the quarters to the extent
that we went around with umbrellas. There seemed just one
spot in our quarters which was dry where I took my baby
in her cradle to the corner of a room. In a few minutes I
heard a lusty cry from that corner and found her drenched
with rain coming down on her and had to put the top of the
carriage up. We really felt compensated to a certain degree
that it so happened when the Inspector was there, because
it gave him a better idea as to the condition of the quarters.
It was not long before an appropriation was forthcoming
and all put in perfect condition.
The servant question was a great problem, as we were
obliged to send at our own expense to Kansas City and Den-
ver for them, but they would not last long as they married
soldiers as soon as possible — until only a few continued to
have women servants — finally all but two families replaced
with Chinamen for cooks and general housework. Many
married from our home — they called it "the Marriage
Agency." It happened so many white servants had left that
the soldiers did not have enough to continue their weekly
dances — their only pleasure of that kind — so they threat-
ened to get rid of these Chinese servants by frightening the
poor things almost to death by chasing them at night, mak-
284 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
ing them believe they were going to kill them if once they
could get them which, of course, was only a scare, but very
effective. They would run through our back yards to the
front gates, coming out, panting for breath and a smile of
relief on their faces, as they saw us on the porch. It was not
long before every one of them was gone, and one by one
each family returned to their women servants, and the band
played on with their dances.
My father, Chaplain James A. M. LaTourrette, arrived
at Fort Union, N. M., in September, 1877, from his former
station, Fort Lyon, Colorado. It was before the Santa Fe
R. R. was built as far as Fort Union. We traveled overland
which took a week enroute, and I well remember it was
one long picnic, especially after we reached the mountainous
region. We had an escort of about ten enlisted men and an
officer, for in those days it was not considered quite safe to
travel without protection. Our outfit consisted of two bag-
gage wagons (covered), a daugharty, resembling a stage
coach, with four mules — the latter was occupied by the fam-
ily. A new arrival in a garrison in those days was an event-
ful occasion, and a hearty welcome awaited us. My brother,
my sister Mary and myself accompanied our parents, two
elder sisters having married some years before. We were
entertained, until we were able to move into our own home,
by dividing the family into two parts. Col. [and Mrs. John]
Dent (Col. Dent was brother of Gen. Grant's wife) was
then and had been post trader at Fort Union for some years.
They were packing preparatory to leaving for the East.
It was fortunate for us as well as for them that my father
bought quite a good deal of their furniture — among it a
bedroom set, the four poster of which they said Gen. Grant
had often slept on.
When my father had become established in his new sta-
tion he very soon was able (in addition to his military duties
in the post) to start with his missionary work outside, and
did much to promote the interest of the church in that juris-
diction, working in connection with the different bishops of
N. M. His services were immediately in demand, especially
for weddings — many coming from the country around in
FORT UNION MEMORIES 285
addition to those in the garrison. Many an amusing incident
happened in connection with these marriages — sometimes
the participants coming to our home for the ceremony. Often
some of the family would be called in as witnesses. On one
occasion, I remember, the bride walked into the room,
dressed in a wedding gown made of a nottingham lace cur-
tain— court train, which was very impressive and most ef-
fective— the bride looking supremely happy. After the cere-
mony, while receiving congratulations, one very timid man
(a friend they brought with them) wished "many happy re-
turns." He seemed perfectly unconscious of what he had
said, and they all left for their farm home very happy.
Another marriage was to take place as soon as the en-
listed man's time had expired. The bride elect told with great
glee how she used to trot this future husband on her knee
when he was a baby. She had recently received quite a sum
of money from the Louisiana Lottery, and with this she said
they were going on their wedding trip to Albuquerque, and
to the grave of her former husband who, some years before,
had been hung for murder — they thought it would be so
romantic to go there.
My father led a very lonely life in a garrison — there not
being any other clergyman nearer than Las Vegas, and
those he did not often see ; at any rate it was not as though
he were in the town, so he enjoyed anyone he could find to
talk to, getting into conversation with Mexicans and Indians
who came around selling vegetables, blankets, etc. He often
amused them for he could not speak Spanish fluently, but
did make them understand by mixing a little French, Eng-
lish and some Spanish. However, they seemed to enjoy him
and always made it a point to see him, and he always bought
something from them whether he needed it or not.
Having been stationed in New Mexico and Colorado for
25 years, with only an occasional trip East, his health be-
came impaired and he contracted heart trouble from living
in that high altitude too long. The War Department granted
him a leave of one year to recuperate and regain his health.
After his arrival in the East, rest and recreation kept him
occupied the greater part of the time. He preached all of
286 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
that summer at St. John's Church, Washington, just oppo-
site the White House, thereby giving the rector of that
church a much needed rest, and he also gave many talks in
New York, Baltimore, and Washington on the Indians in
whom he always took the greatest interest. At Fort Garland,
the Utes used to make their stopping place in our back yard,
and smoked their pipes with my father in his sitting room.
As a result of these lectures on the Indians he was given
a number of scholarships at Hampton Institute, Va., and
the Carlisle, Pa., Indian School.
Three young lieutenants of the 10th Infantry, who were
at one time stationed at Fort Union, became Major Generals
in the World War— Gen. R. E. Bullard, Gen. A. W. Brewster,
and Gen. E. H. Plummer. All were retired not long after
the war.
It also may be interesting to know that our family is now
represented by the fourth generation in the army. My father
and mother had one son and four daughters. The son went
into civil life and the four daughters married in the army.
The granddaughters also married in the army, and there
are now fifteen great-grandchildren and one great-great-
grandchild. In 1904 it was said that our family, with one
exception, was the largest in the army. My mother and three
daughters were left widows — my sister Mary (Mrs. Stotsen-
burg) and myself are the only ones left.1
1. Mrs. Collins died in 19SO. CoL Harry La Tourrette Cavanaugh to W. J. Arrott,
November 12, 1950.
A BOY'S EYE VIEW OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST
By JAMES K. HASTINGS
IN April, 1880, we were living in southern Colorado, at
Trinidad. Father was in New Mexico at Silver City, near
the Mexican border, and it was decided that we should join
him.
New Mexico, with its 121,666 square miles of area, may
have had possibly one resident per square mile at that time.
There was snow on the ground as we started south through
the newly completed Raton tunnel, just over the line in New
Mexico on the Santa Fe. When we reached Albuquerque on
the Rio Grande, we went into that town on a construction
train, said to be the first one into town. Spring had come by
that time and there was a riot of roses in the old town.
We lay there some days at a Mexican hotel until we could
get a coach going south. I can remember seeing a Mexican
plowing in the river bottom near Ft. Craig with a pair of
tiny oxen and a forked stick for a plow. We had no Indian
trouble going down although they passed near us one night.
We crossed the "Jornada del Muerto," or Journey of Death
with its 90 miles without water. There were stage stations
every 20 miles or so on the Jornada. One we stopped at
had a high adobe wall surrounding it and there water hauled
from the Rio Grande was always kept for travelers. The
owner, a woman, had been given they told us four townships
of desert land to maintain the station there. We reached Sil-
ver City on May 1, 1880, and father met us there.
Father was the superintendent of a quartz mill that
crushed the silver ore from two mines, named the '76 and
Baltic, located a few miles above town in a small valley on
the Continental Divide, known as Chloride Flat. The ore was
hauled down from the mines by 4 and 6 mule teams, in
giant wagons with boiler plated beds. Silver reduction in a
stamp mill is much like any other manufacturing business.
The mill ran 24 hours a day for 7 days a week, for about
ten months in the year; in the heat of summer they laid
287
288 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
off for repairs. The men worked 12 hours a day and drew
good wages. The ore was first crushed to a fine dust with
powerful stamps that rose and fell hour after hour, with
deafening noise, and this dust was washed into massive pans
where it was ground still finer in between or under the
monster shoes that worked like the "upper and nether mill-
stones." In the last set of pans, quicksilver was added and it
picked up the silver in amalgam, the same that some dentists
once used for filling teeth. This silver amalgam was poured
into a conical sack of strong canvas and drained of much
of the quicksilver in it, just as a farmer's wife of the olden
days used to make cottage cheese by twisting the sack until
the whey, or quicksilver in this case, was mostly removed.
The resulting amalgam was called a "goose egg" and when
a batch of these were obtained they were heated in a retort
where the fumes were run into a tank of water that chilled
the rest of the quicksilver to a fluid state. There was con-
stant weighing of the amalgam to show any losses. We
laughed at one man working on the pans once, for he asked
when being discharged, "I haven't been stealing anything
have I"? The silver on coming from the retort was pure
and was in danger of being stolen before being cast into the
great bricks. It was often moved to our house in the night
for safe keeping. I can remember walking beside my father
carrying his Colt's revolver as he and a trustworthy man
carried the silver in a hand barrow. Of course if we had
been attacked father, and not I, would have used the gun.
One night some one evidently drunk tried with a steel bar
to pry off our front door and get at our cache of silver.
Father stood at the head of the stairs ready to shoot if the
man gained entrance. After the quicksilver was roasted from
the amalgam the pure silver was cast into monster bricks
of 300 pounds or more in weight. These were unwieldy and
much smaller ones would have been more convenient, but
also more easily stolen. Two express companies, the Adams
and the Wells-Fargo, ran Concord coaches from our town
to carry the mail, express and passengers to the railroad
at Deming, where it had reached within 50 miles of our
A BOY'S EYE VIEW OF THE SOUTHWEST 289
town. The morning after we had cast a brick, one of these
would stop at the mill and take it to the railroad. Once a
350 Ib. brick broke through the coach floor on the desert
and all the driver could do was to drive off and leave it.
It was safe there for no pack mule could carry it away and
a wagon could be tracked by a fast posse. The abandoning
of a $5,000 silver brick in the road did not bother us any,
for when it was once signed for by the Wells-Fargo driver,
it was their baby.
The Mescalero Apache Indians, under Victorio and
Geronimo, were raiding at that time and kept us wondering
when they would strike next. Many a rancher was picked
off in that day but they never attempted a raid on our camp.
There were some cattle ranches about us, but the Indians
discouraged them. All food beside range beef, including the
staples of flour, potatoes, sugar and such, had to come from
the railroad. While the mail coaches could go there and back
in a day, sometimes under heavy guard, always changing
horses every few miles, the "bull trains," as they were
called, took plenty of time to make the round trip. They
were owned and run by Mexicans of the border grade and
these were easily frightened by an Indian rumor. When they
got to good grass and water they would sometimes imagine
danger. There they would park their wagons in a great
circle and all drivers would guard and graze the cattle by
day and yard them in the circle of wagons by night.
No appeal from a hungry people had any effect to get
that food started towards town. They wanted a cavalry
escort, but the cavalrymen were busy elsewhere. I remem-
ber that the regular price per hundred pounds by coach,
on the well guarded mail to camp from the freighters'
wagons was six dollars a hundred pounds for flour and other
stuff, besides all that it had cost to get it out from the states.
Some of the coaches brought a few sacks of flour in to camp.
Most of us lived on a corn-bread diet at such times and had
for dessert, sack pudding; neither was there any sugar. I
can remember my three year old sister going to the bird
cage and getting a lump of sugar from between the wires
290 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
and scraping her teeth across it, and with a shake of her
curls putting it back with the apparent thought that she
must not rob the bird.
Those freighters had good cause to be cautious about the
Indians. The saddest sight that I ever saw in a long life
was on a Sunday morning when two soldiers came down the
street in our town, the end of the coach line, driving two
broken down cavalry horses hitched to a coach filled with
bullet holes and covered with human blood. The Apaches
had jumped the coach about sunrise, near Ft. Cummings,
a six company post. The Indians had hid behind the tall
Yucca stumps and killed every mortal on the coach. Of
course they took the horses and every scrap of leather in
the fore and aft boots, and leather mail sacks, probably to
patch moccasins. They got away, although the post bugler
blew "Boots and Saddles" at the first sound of gun fire. Our
mail the next day, from those mail sacks, showed plenty
of blood on it. It was thus that the Southwest was settled.
Guards were often carried on the coaches when needed. I
remember riding all afternoon on top of a swaying Concord
coach between two Infantrymen dressed in blue, with their
Long Tom rifles at hand, while away to the north on a flat-
topped mountain signal fires talked to someone. An Indian
of that day could do a lot with a blanket and a smoky camp-
fire. He could have dots and dashes galore.
Many men of that day belted on their guns before they
drew on their boots mornings, but they did not wear those
traffic-cop light belts; rather they were broad cartridge
belts, and never drawn up snug, but the gun hung low on
the right hip and there was no pulling a gun unless you
meant to use it.
Our mill being so far from the others had a complete
shop attached, with a carpenter, blacksmith and molder.
Stamp shoes were always wearing out with the incessant
pounding, and so we ran a cupola to melt our scrap iron
with charcoal made back in the hills. One of my jobs, when
they melted, was to man the hose on the roof to see that no
sparks started a fire. The men generally drenched me down
first so as to not get the shirt burned off me. Sometimes they
A BOY'S EYE VIEW OF THE SOUTHWEST 291
let me help load the cupola furnace with successive layers
of charcoal and iron.
I realize now that I must have been a pest about the
mill; with no school to go to I was there much of the time,
although I was supposed to study some old school books at
home. Once, when I had been too much of a nuisance, Dad
asked, "Where are you in arithmetic young man?" I an-
swered, "I have finished it," only to hear him say, "Go home
and go through it again." Well I started at common fractions
that time.
I had a fine assortment of friends in that camp. We had
school for only a month or so, when a traveling school master
taught a few of us long enough to get money to move on
with.
One of these friends was "Black Billie," an ex-slave, who
was a hostler for the mill company. Mother had a large
print New Testament and Billie delighted to come down
to our house and read aloud from it, for his own and our
benefit. He was allowed to take out a small team of mean
mules hitched to a wagon without a bed. He generally drove
the outfit with loose planks on the running gear. Those
mules loved to run away with him, and when they did his
remarks were not those that he had found in Holy Writ.
There were two Mexican villages in the camp that Dad drew
on for unskilled labor. He had a time getting them to work
steadily. Many a Sunday morning he would rout me out to
feed the stamps until he could get help, as his labourers
had gone to a dance they called "a Bilee," the night before,
and were not fit for work. Finally, in desperation, he hired
some Canton Chinese, and his labour troubles were over.
The carpenter, though old enough to be my father, was
my special chum. When I saw him come down the street,
trailed by a Chinese, carrying some long iron rods, I beat
it to him. His first question was, "Did you ever read Robin-
son Crusoe, Jim?" Of course I admitted it, and he replied
that he was Crusoe, and that his rear guard was Friday.
From that hour, the man answered to that name. On the
Chinese New Years, which comes in the Spring, he deluged
us with presents. My brother and I got firecrackers, and the
292 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
girls Chinese candy, while Dad who never used tobacco got
a box of what in China must correspond to "Wheeling
Stogies." I tried one once and quit for life.
Bill Green, the teamster hauling ore from the mine, was
a good man and an especial friend. He and his near wheeler,
"Old Beck," saved my life once. I had been up to the mine
where I had been flagging for the surveyor on a survey in
the mine. You will understand that in mine surveying a
candle is the flag, instead of the red and white painted pole
used on the surface. The engineer and Green were on the
wagon seat coming down the mountain with a load of ore, and
I was precariously seated on the seat-back with my back to
theirs when we jolted over a stone and I was thrown under
the hind wheel. In a mule team of that day the best animal
is the wheeler to the left of the pole, known as the "near
wheeler." This place was filled by Beck, a monster black,
and when Green yelled to her, she froze in her breeching
and held the team from moving. The wagon and load likely
totaled five tons. In my fall, I had struck on the backs of
both hands and sprained my wrists and lay in the track
against the mountain slope helpless. There was a much used
liniment for sale in the camp, for man and animals. The only
kind they had on hand was for animals only, and was a dark
brown, so I was as brown as a Malay for a while.
One of my friends of those days on the Mexican Border
was the Negro cook at the mine. He certainly knew his stuff
and I have never eaten better meals. When the shaft whistle
on the mine hoist blew, he was ready and his welcome cry
of "come and get it," was always answered by a rush of
hungry miners. One thing that endeared him to my boyish
heart was that he was not fussy about clean hands and
combed hair. Boy like I enjoyed teasing him and I early
found that he had a horror of the deep shafts in the mine
and so I would wheedle him to go down in the shaft with me.
His stock answer was, "No sah, Mister Jimmie, I can go out
the doah and dig a hole six inches deep and get into that
and it is deep enough for me."
I remember that the '76 ore shaft was covered with two
heavy six inch wooden doors and at times when there was
A BOY'S EYE VIEW OF THE SOUTHWEST 293
need of haste some one would go down in the ore bucket,
but no one ever came up in it, for the various engineers
seemed to try to see which could "whip" a bucket of ore
out the fastest, and how those doors would flash open and
the bucket would stop just before it went over the shive
wheel at top. Often there were a dozen Mexican ore sorters
working on the floor of the shaft house, endeavoring to get
the refuse culled from the rich ore. Really they did pretty
well for themselves, for beside their wages they often kept
their small smelter near our house going nights, smelting
the richer ore they had stolen. This furnace was called an
"arasta" and the fuel was charcoal, burned in the hills and
brought in on burros. The forced draft was from an old
blacksmith's bellows that one man with a raw hide loop for
his foot pumped for hours on end. There was little hope of
keeping up with ore sorters of that day without an X-ray,
and we knew nothing of them 70 years ago.
Three of the older white miners had dug back into the
mountain above the shaft house to get a dug-out to live in
and one of them kept dinging at me to send up a carpenter's
square on one of the ore wagons, so he could get a door made
to keep out the cold fall nights up there on the Continental
Divide.
I can remember, when we made a survey of the surface
of some of those mines, how father marked them by hewn
stones a foot square and 4 feet long. They stuck like a sore
thumb and were easily seen from a distance, so there was
no question where property lines were.
Our camp was the first town in that day from the Mexican
Border (before the railroad came) , perhaps 100 miles away
and we had a custom house. Mexican horsemen who came
past our house direct from their country with a bunch of
skinny fowls dangling from their saddles, asked us two reals
or 25 cents each for them, plus the customs tax. We often
wondered if the custom house ever saw that tax. The regu-
lar freighters used ordinary wagons, but there were a few
of the monster ox drawn two wheeled carts with wooden
wheels that were used in smuggling. In ordinary use the
spindles were never greased and made a wail to be heard
294 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
for miles, so when grease was applied to stop the noise it
was almost prima facie evidence that smuggling was going
on.
Often mule pack trains would come up to the custom
house with produce to load back with goods. I once found a
few pairs of what I later found were called in the slums of
our great cities, "Saturday night shoes," that had lost out
of such a pack. The sight of that shoddy stuff sickened this
boy.
The mules in a pack train were let run loose and herded
along the trail or road. They generally had an old gray bell
mare that all the mules would stay with. When they wanted
to catch the mules to load or unload them, they would close-
herd them and four or more would hold a rawhide lariat up
three feet from the ground and one muleteer would grab
a mule and slip a broad leather blind over his eyes. This
took all fight out of him.
Once father hired a Mexican with a big wheeled cart to
haul a load of rock salt for use at the mill. The man came
back asking for "une camesa por le carro." He meant a shirt
for the cart, or wagon sheet, fearing that a shower might
come up and he lose the salt.
There was one story of those wild days on the border
that always thrilled me. The Apaches had crawled up and
surprised the family in a Mexican jacal or hogan and killed
everyone present. But they did not wipe out the family by
so doing, for there was a slip of a 12 year old girl out
herding the sheep. Those runty specimens, having a pound
or two of wool on them, were little kin to our Merinos or
Shrops of today, and it took one both young and fleet of foot
to manage them and the small shepherdess was just that.
The Indians knew of her being in the hills and wanted both
her and the sheep and so started after her. Though desert
bred and fast on their feet, they were no match for the feet
in those small moccasins ; they simply were not in her class,
as they found, when she walked off and left them, never to
be caught.
Near the quartz mill that father used to run, he owned a
garden plot of a few acres, irrigated from the same stream
A BOY'S EYE VIEW OF THE SOUTHWEST 295
that supplied the mill boilers with water. This he rented to
some Cantonese Chinese who used it for a truck garden and
raised vegetables for the camp. The first season they had it,
they carried their produce to market in baskets hung from
yokes over their shoulders. They made a picturesque sight in
their conical hats as they went along in single file, sing-
songing to each other like a lot of grackle black birds. The
next season, they got a decrepit horse and an old market
wagon, so that one could sell the stuff and leave the rest at
home to work. The driver knew about as much about horses
as I do about atomic energy. One day, when the salesman
had reached our house on his return trip from market, he
discovered that the horse had something in a hind hoof. In-
stead of picking up the hoof to investigate, he crawled under
the wagon and began working on the hoof, when the horse
kicked him in the head, laying him out cold. My older sister,
just a kid, was doing the dishes in the kitchen, but hearing
the wagon stop, came to the door to investigate, when she
saw that the man was out, she hurried back into the house,
got the water pail, pulled the man from under the wagon by
his feet and drenched him with cold water. In time he re-
covered and getting on the wagon went on home. The next
day after selling his load, he stopped at our house and, on
his knocking, mother went to the door and the Chinese said,
"Me tankie you boy." Lord Chesterfield himself could do no
better.
The sister, when grown to womanhood, won an education
and became a Doctor of Medicine. Haven't we read some-
where about the boy being father to the man ? Wouldn't that
apply to the girl also ?
One of the danger spots of that day was Cook's Canyon.
We came down through it one dark night with a big Concord
coach, attempting to be quiet, so as to not arouse any lurk-
ing Indians. We passed the graves, or grave rather, of 17
killed from a wagon train. Our efforts to be quiet failed, for
the brakes on the coach had been shod with old miner boot
soles and the nails in them against the steel tires made a
screech that could be heard for miles. We all followed the
coach except my grown sister who, holding the baby sister,
296 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
rode in the coach. Later, when I was coming back from the
survey of some mining claims for patent, we came through
the canyon in the day time and boy like I crawled back into
the rear of the wagon and went to sleep. When I awoke, the
wagon was standing still and I heard gun fire. I could see
nothing from where I lay and suspected Indians, so did not
move or raise up until I heard our colored teamster Dan say,
"I got two of them." Then I looked to see that it was rabbits
instead of Indians that he meant. Two friendly Apache
scouts from another tribe in Arizona came along and cooked
their rabbit over our fire. They did this without an atom of
cleaning and then ate it, with such cleaning of the offal as
they could do with a twig. They had red handkerchiefs about
their heads or necks to distinguish them from warriors.
They were armed with Winchesters, which with magazines
loaded made a heavy gun, so each carried two small wyths
that were bound together at the middle for a gun rest. A
clumsy arrangement for a fighting man, I thought.
My daily routine when I was a boy in the mining camp
was hardly a routine, for few days were alike, but I did keep
the water pails full. To do that I had to go to the St. Vincent
spring where most of the women of the nearby Mexican vil-
lage were gossiping and filling their pails and helping hoist
them to the other's head. It was the stories that we had from
the Bible and pictures of that time over again. I do not re-
member ever seeing a man come for water. It was beneath
them. If you had learned Border Spanish you would have
gotten an ear full. I used two discarded black powder cans
with bails in them for my water pails. They held 3 or 4 gal-
lons each and were pretty heavy when full. Another early
morning job was watching the Concord coaches leave town
for the railroad. There was often a race to see which of the
fresh teams would be in the lead when they passed our house
on the edge of town. My friend of the ore hauling days, Bill
Green, had been promoted to driving for the Adams Express
Co., and I was naturally rooting for him. The Wells Fargo
driver had four small mules and how he escaped turning
over when he tried to pass Green was a mystery to me. Green
was a gentleman, and father told of his turning his 4 horses
A BOY'S EYE VIEW OF THE SOUTHWEST 297
out so as to avoid crushing a terrapin in a wheel rut, but
grinding right over a rattlesnake in one.
The Mexicans brought in wood (stove length) on burros
(donkeys). It was packed in a great circle over the beast's
back, and when it was sold the muleteer pulled one thong
from the raw hide rope holding it on and it all fell to the
ground leaving the burros to walk out of the pile. We had a
fireplace and so occasionally father would get a cord or two
of 4 foot wood, such as he used under the steam boilers at
the mill. When it was dumped at our kitchen door, I knew
it was my job to fit it for fireplace or kitchen stove. By the
way, that is one of the best exercises that I know of for a
boy to do.
A saw buck and a sharp saw has it over some gymna-
siums that I know of. Seeing that wood cut and neatly piled
comes under the head of the "glory of achievement" that
some educators tell of. When that wood was neatly ricked
near the kitchen door I was again free to go afield.
The mill would not buy scrap iron from the Mexicans,
but they would of me and trust me to weigh it. There had
been another mill and foundry across the creek from ours
and removed long ago. I discovered that there was consider-
able iron in small pieces in their slag pile. I got an old Mexi-
can partner and found a ton or more of iron there. We were
paid 2 cents a pound for it. Should I add that I learned to
swim in that shallow creek? There was a lot of broken glass
and other trash and it was not deep in any place, but I
learned to swim dog fashion.
While waiting for repair material at the quartz mill, two
of the older mill men took me south to the Tres Hermanos,
or Three Sister's mountains, near where in later years stood
the town of Columbus, New Mexico, that Pancho Villa once
sacked and burned in hopes of getting our country into war
with Mexico. We camped on a bench near the top of one
mountain and a large area of northern Mexico lay spread out
before us when the sun rose the next morning. One of the
men in stirring around before morning had set off his gun
which we kept under the covers. This did not awaken me,
but the cold air when they threw off the blankets to put out
298 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
the fire did that. Mountain air, good food, and a tired boy
made me dead to the world.
When on one of my survey trips, two Mexican hunters
came along and sold us some meat of a black bear that they
had killed. It was too tough and strong to eat. They were
professional hunters and had caps made of antelope horns
and enough of the hide on the neck to make a cap to slip over
the head to stalk game with. When they sat in the tall grass
with those horned heads showing, they would fool anyone,
especially an antelope, for you know they are as curious as a
woman.
On one survey on west slope of the Rockies, in the Mo-
gollon mountains of New Mexico, I saw some of the grandest
scenery that I ever beheld : high cliffs with brawling moun-
tain brooks filling the canyons below, the sound made by the
waters tumbling over the rocky beds rising far up on the
mountain slopes ; and great pine trees and some times box
canyons that hemmed us in until we had to turn around and
retrace our steps to get out. The Apaches had been there the
year before and left the signs of their presence, as was the
great cairn of stones in a stream bed at the end of a trail
down the mountain made up of boot and moccasin tracks
over the loose sliding shale of the mountain side. They were
all that was left to show of the unsuccessful race made by
some lone prospector. The pile of smoked stones showed
where he had stood when he was lashed to the stake. We
respected his resting place and monument.
All of these signs were before me as I sat on the ground
beside the engineer and his transit. It would bring me out
of a reverie to have him say, "Jim check on my figures," and
I would do sums for him. In that day that country had not
been surveyed, so there was no way of describing the exact
location of a tract of land or a mining claim, except by tying
it in by triangulation to two or more mountain peaks or
other natural objects. One night the camp put on a celebra-
tion of some event of more or less importance, the reason
for which I have forgotten. They likely had absorbed more
or less liquid refreshment from the commissary and were
duly exhilarated and had built a huge campfire near the
A BOY'S EYE VIEW OF THE SOUTHWEST 299
camp's center among the lofty pines. They had gotten out
three blacksmith anvils and would pour a handful of black
powder on one and stack the other two on top of it and then
fire the powder with a long half inch rod that had been
heated in the fire. The anvils would bounce into the air with
a roar and the process would be repeated. The noise made
was a good imitation of the firing of a cannon.
There were only two women in the camp at that time.
One ran the tiny boarding house where we ate. The racket
that the men made that night must have disturbed the
women a lot.
The boarding house keeper was no cook, much as we
needed one, perhaps because she had nothing to do with, for
her biscuits were always undone inside and caused the en-
gineer, who had drunk his share and some other man's por-
tion of whisky, much pain. I got away with the grub, for I
was young and tough. When I could not get enough at the
table, I haunted a nearby turnip patch and so survived.
When we got in late one night, we found the one room of the
cabin lighted by a small dish of grease set on a high cup-
board with a lighted strip of cloth hanging from one side
of the pan for a light. The family were from the mountain
section of the South and the mother always rocked her baby
in a common hickory chair, without rockers, and yelled an
ancient ballad at him. The kid seemed to thrive on it.
One old character named "Jed" would have delighted
movie audiences of today. I never heard of his working and,
while he wore the boots of that day, I never saw his trousers
either tucked neatly in or hung outside of that foot wear.
They were hung on one boot strap, so they sagged the boot
top down, but he could go down a rocky mountain trail and
glancing across the canyon to a blank wall opposite, stum-
bling as he went, count the window panes, "46, 47, 48," not
yet broken out of the supposed vacant building opposite, as
he had when on his way to school when a boy. He likely was
pretty worthless, but boy like I did not think so. When we
went in there, we turned our team loose to graze and find
their feed where they could, as there were no fences. When
our work was done $5.00 was offered for finding the team.
300 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
I wanted to start for home and started out to find them if
possible. When Jed heard what I planned, he would not let
me leave camp until I buckled on his gun. How he must have
missed that artillery. I had not gone a mile from camp in
the big woods until I found a fawn half eaten, lying in my
path. I judged that it had been the work of a panther and
then remembered that I had read that they dropped from
trees onto their prey and my taste for $5.00 and a trip home
weakened in short order.
Our camp in the Mogollon mountains had only three or
four horses, the mine manager's, the boarding house, and
the "Old Boar's Den," where several of the miners lived and
cooked for themselves. These three houses were at the cor-
ners of a triangle and the lodge pole pines in the grove be-
tween were cut so the people in each house could see how
the others fared during a siege. All the houses were of logs
and the windows were filled with small logs with only a hole
left between them to fire through. The Apaches had been
there the year before and gotten some of the men that were
away from camp. None appeared while we were there.
On our three days drive home we met men who, with the
hospitality of the West, shared a deer with us that they had
just killed. They had never seen us before, or would again
likely. That night we toasted those tender steaks of venison
over our camp fire while our biscuit baked in the embers
beside the fire. It was the finest food ever. Then to bed on the
ground with a buffalo robe over us on top of the blankets
while my engineer friend taught me astronomy from the
skies above, till sleep came. It was on that trip that a mag-
nificent black tail buck came near to camp and stood and
watched us, with those great antlers raised in the air. I will
never again deride a man for having "buck fever." It would
be a crime to shoot that majestic creature.
As this draws to a close I must say in defense of the In-
dians that most of the white men of that day and area were
as fine as one could ask for, but some to my knowledge were
just scum and they by their actions caused the Indians to
hate the Whites and that hatred was often taken out on
defenseless people.
A BOY'S EYE VIEW OF THE SOUTHWEST 301
To illustrate the above let me give an example. The forts
of that day that I was familiar with were not walled or
stockaded, but were simply posts on an open field. They had
to be to permit the cavalry troops to maneuver in drill. My
father told me an incident at one such post that used a log
cabin for a guard house and in it was an Apache Indian con-
fined for some misdemeanor. There was a bed in one corner
of the room and the Indian was asleep on the bed next the
wall. Some of the soldiers had a camp fire near the cabin and
one of the less desirable ones heated a steel rifle cleaning rod
in the fire and then stuck it in between the logs and burned
the sleeper. In his pain and fright he dashed out the door and
was promptly shot and killed by the guard, who naturally
believed that the prisoner was attempting an escape. When
Chief Cochise, friendly to the whites, heard of it he swore
that he would make the "trail run red from Taos to Tucson,"
and figuratively speaking he did just that.
I can remember one day when seated on a mountain top
I, a 13 year old flagman, saw below me the valley of the Rio
Grande, and the river winding through it showed like a
white thread on the floor. From the same lofty perch I could
see through the clear air the smoke of the construction
trains of both the Santa Fe and the Southern Pacific. They
were building the lines that when they met would span the
continent. As a boy I was permitted to see the nation grow-
ing. No one dreamed in that faraway day of the stature it
would attain today.
WASHINGTON ELLSWORTH LINDSEY
By IRA C. IHDE
(Continued)
War Governor of New Mexico
The people of New Mexico, in 1916, elected E. C. de Baca
as their chief executive but he was destined never to enter
the executive mansion as governor of the state. Immediately
after his victorious campaign, he went to a hospital in Los
Angeles for special treatment for pernicious anemia. He
returned to New Mexico just before his inauguration, which
took place in Saint Vincent's Sanitarium in Santa Fe. He
remained in the sanitarium until his death on February 18,
1917. On the following day, Lindsey took the oath of office as
governor.
Governor and Mrs. Lindsey attended the final rites for
the deceased governor in the Church of Our Lady of Sor-
rows at Las Vegas, New Mexico. Their floral tribute was a
large pillow of pink roses and carnations.
The new Governor's first major address was given before
a large crowd in the house chamber before what was nom-
inally an adjourned session of the Republican state central
committee to which the general public had been invited. In
a speech that was interrupted "frequently with uproarious
applause," and that marked "an epoch in the political history
of the state," the Republicans "heard strange doctrines."
The Governor stated that since both parties were par-
tially successful in the last election he would urge that the
legislature carry out the principles enunciated in both party
platforms. He therefore urged the enactment of the Aus-
tralian ballot, tax reform laws, highway legislation, and a
corrupt practice law. He admonished his hearers that the
time for vote buying in New Mexico was past and gone
forever.
Such was the idealism of the new Governor, and such
was the reception he received in the "honeymoon" period
302
WASHINGTON ELLSWORTH LINDSEY 303
of his political life as governor. However, fate would not
grant the fulfillment of all of his wishes, and the practical
school of politics soon withdrew its kind reception in the give
and take of conflicting forces.
One of the first problems confronting the new Governor
was the matter of appointments. In practical politics, they
are considered one of the fruits of victory; however, the
problem of appeasing all factions of the party is a difficult
one. It was even more difficult in Lindsey's case because the
appointments of his predecessor had already been made.
Lindsey stated to the press that his policy in regard to ap-
pointments would be "ability to perform the duties of the
position."
In his appointments Governor Lindsey stayed on middle
ground. He took the position that he was governor of all the
people of New Mexico. His designations included progressive
Republicans, old line Republicans, and Democrats. It was his
desire to promote harmony and to minimize political and
factional strife.
Such a desirable objective, however, could not be accom-
plished in the realm of practical politics. As predicted, party
friction between the two wings of the Republican party
developed soon after the inception of the new administra-
tion. As the administration progressed, the cleavage between
the two factions within the Republican ranks continued to
grow. The Governor seems to have made a conspicuous effort
to harmonize the factions — but without success. There is no
evidence that he sponsored an active opposition to any ele-
ment within the party. On the other hand, there is ample
evidence that he took pains to extend recognition and con-
sideration to all. Nevertheless, one is led to believe that as
the administration progressed the gap grew wider — that
the opposition to the Governor from the old line element
grew stronger.
The intra-party strife was by no means the paramount
problem of the Lindsey administration. It was overshadowed
by the entry of the United States into World War I. It was
in the war effort that the Governor exhibited unwavering
patriotism and tireless effort. With the aid of his indefatig-
304 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
able energy, New Mexico placed high in the rank of states
for war contributions. His war actions took various forms :
he promoted military and civilian activities, made challeng-
ing speeches and proclamations, and promoted interstate
and federal co-operation.
One of the Governor's primary war efforts was his inter-
est and aid to the National Guard. When the National
Guardsmen returned from the Mexican border, they were
given an eloquent tribute by the Governor. But the new
war left little time for glorifying deeds of the past ; immedi-
ate action had to be taken to meet the coming emergency.
The federal government called the National Guard into serv-
ice again on April 21, 1917. There were eighty-eight men,
under the oath of the Defense Act, from New Mexico. It
hoped to bring the Guard back to war strength by a pro-
gram of voluntary recruitment. This method progressed so
slowly, however, that the regular army officers seriously
considered abandonment of the attempt and mustering out
of those already recruited. It was then that Governor Lind-
sey stepped into the picture by appointing Captain James
Baca as adjutant general and issuing an executive order
whereby the state, out of the public defense fund, would bear
the cost of a state recruitment program. The recruiting
progressed so rapidly that by the middle of June the New
Mexico National Guard was at full war strength.
Another military activity that received more than aver-
age attention from the state executive was the organization
of the home guard. While expansion of the program was yet
in the embryo, Lindsey sent a request to the Secretary of
War for 3,000 rifles and 60,000 rounds of ammunition for
arming them. When definite federal plans were evolved,
Lindsey appointed Adjutant General James Baca as the
commanding officer. The Governor then urged that the or-
ganization be formed and maintained on a state-wide basis.
As soon as the Portales unit was in operation, he joined it
as "Buck Private" Lindsey and was measured for a uniform
that was without "gold lace."
After the formal declaration of war, the Governor gave
even more freely of his time and energy to improve morale
WASHINGTON ELLSWORTH LINDSEY 305
and to strengthen the fighting qualities of the state. One of
his first actions was to recommend to all municipal and
county officers that they prepare a list of the names of all
males between the ages of eighteen and forty-five, in the
area of their jurisdiction, so that they might be used in
event of a selective draft. He also called a conference of the
legislative leaders of the state to discuss the steps that might
be taken to insure full co-operation in the war effort.
After the passage of the selective service act and the
designation of June 5 as registration day, the Governor did
all in his power to assure full co-operation. In a release to
the press, he urged all counties to make "Draft Day" a holi-
day, to be celebrated in "a serious spirit of consecration."
He suggested that local welcoming and reception committees
greet the registrants and create an atmosphere of reverence
and respect for them. He asked the committees to pin badges
on those registering with the words, "The Colors Call: I
Have Answered." He also recommended special patriotic
services in the churches on Sunday, June 3, emphasizing
the slogan, "The world must be made safe for democracy."
Fearing that not enough New Mexico soldiers were taking
the optional federal insurance, the Governor wrote to the
commanding officers of the camps in which there were New
Mexico men, asking their aid in inducing them to do so.
He also issued a proclamation in which he asked the relatives
and friends of the New Mexico servicemen to write and wire
urging them to accept the federal insurance option. That
his efforts were successful can be gathered from a telegram
he received from General F. S. Strong a few days later in-
forming him that practically all of the New Mexico soldiers
in Camp Kearny had taken out insurance, and that with the
continued influence from home all might be insured before
February 12, the deadline.
The Governor's military interest included the personal
welfare of all soldiers stationed in New Mexico. The federal
government set up a great cantonment near Deming which
it named Camp Cody. It was large enough to accommodate
30,000 soldiers at a time. Lindsey made several visits to this
camp; and on one occasion he presented $1,000 worth of
306 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
athletic goods to the soldiers as a gift from the citizens of
New Mexico. He talked personally to many of the men ; and
on his return to Santa Fe stated that their health was excel-
lent and that their morale was splendid.
As the war and the period of military training pro-
gressed, several New Mexico men contracted tuberculosis
and were discharged. The federal government at that stage
of the war was discharging them without care and without
a pension. Governor Lindsey called it "an improper and
unfortunate situation" ; and he insisted that the state must
assist them until federal aid was granted. Seventy of the
patients were admitted to the Miner's Hospital in Raton,
while the others were sent to Fort Wingate or given sub-
sistence in their own homes.
The war ended, but the Governor's interest in the sol-
diers continued. Again working with the Defense Council,
county organizations were set up for the purpose of assist-
ing the returned veteran to find employment and to rehabili-
tate himself to civilian life.
New Mexico's military war record, under the leadership
of Governor Lindsey, is one of which the state may well be
proud. New Mexico responded to the imperative call for men
with her full quota and more. Out of the total number of men
who served, 501 "were given up in the service of the coun-
try." The total number of New Mexicans in all branches of
military service was 17,251. The state "stood well above the
average" among her sister states in the number of men
contributed.
The civilian war record of the state was no less impres-
sive. Here again, with devotion to the duties of his office
and for the cause, the Governor led the way. Immediately
following the declaration of war, he summoned a group of
leading citizens to Santa Fe to discuss the problem of
immediate preparedness for the state. The group called to
perfect a system of preparedness represented the state's
leading industries. The individuals and the industry they
represented follow: A. D. Crile, President, State College,
farming; John M. Sully, Santa Rita, metal mining; L. A.
WASHINGTON ELLSWORTH LINDSEY 307
Hughes, Santa Fe, banking ; Dr. James A. Massie, Santa Fe,
medicine; W. A. Hawkins, El Paso, railroads; E. C. Cramp-
ton, Raton, law; Charles Springer, Cimarron, roads; James
A. French, Santa Fe, engineering; E. C. Abbott, Santa Fe,
military; G. A. Kaseman, Albuquerque, coal mining; B. M.
Cutting, Santa Fe, home guards; R. C. Reid, Roswell, taxa-
tion and revenue ; R. H. Hanna, Santa Fe, Red Cross ; Mrs.
R. F. Asplund, Santa Fe, federated woman's clubs; R. E.
Putney, Albuquerque, mercantile; S. B. Davis, Las Vegas,
public utilities; H. B. Karr, Albuquerque, labor; D. A.
McPherson, Albuquerque, publishers.
The program formulated and projected by these leaders
formed the basis of the activities carried on by the subse-
quent Defense Council which was created by the special
session of the legislature.
The Governor personally worked on many other projects
to aid the cause of food production and conservation of re-
sources for the war effort. He held a conference with officials
of the Forest Service, and they offered "potato land" in the
forest for those who wished to aid in food production. He
made arrangements with the State Land Commissioner and
with the State Prison Warden whereby sixty convicts culti-
vated 1,200 acres of state land in order to produce food for
the inmates of the state penitentiary. In a letter to hotel
proprietors, he urged them to boost the pinto bean, serving
it rather than imported beans. On every occasion possible,
he urged the planting of home and school gardens. Again
leading the way, he rented a vacant lot in Santa Fe on which
he and his family cultivated a garden that produced a boun-
tiful harvest.
Correlating with the Governor's food production pro-
gram, was his effort at food conservation. Fundamentally a
prohibitionist, the war gave him added incentive to sponsor
its cause. His connection with state-wide prohibition gives
him a claim to a place in the history of the state. Although
it had been customary to serve liquors at state dinners, it
was not permitted while he was the chief executive. He
made many speeches for the cause of prohibition. During
308 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
his administration, New Mexico became the twenty-seventh
"dry" state in the Union following the adoption of the con-
stitutional amendment making prohibition nation-wide.
The civilan war effort of New Mexico included the sup-
port of the various war drives and the purchase of govern-
ment bonds. The Governor took a very active part in assisting
all organizations. For the purpose of raising money for
purchasing "Smileage" books for the soldiers at Camp Cody,
he participated in a benefit basketball game. During the
contest, which was between the Fats and the Leans, "Lindsey
made a remarkable throw into the basket from a stepladder
for the Fats." The Leans won the game, but the Governor
had made his contribution.
After many individual drives, a combined United War
Fund drive was suggested. Accordingly, two hundred work-
ers gathered in Albuquerque at a state convention to plan
the campaign. Lindsey presided and aided in the organiza-
tion of the new plan. This fund-raising campaign was also
successful.
In its support of Liberty Bond purchases, New Mexico
made a unique record. Under the direction of Governor
Lindsey the State of New Mexico, in October 1917, invested
the sum of $381,300 in Liberty Bonds. This was the first
action of the kind undertaken by any state in the Union.
When the drive opened to the public, the Governor spoke at
a patriotic rally and touched off the Liberty Loan fire in
front of the Old Palace in Santa Fe. His interest and en-
thusiasm persisted throughout all of the drives, whether
for individual organizations or for the state. By the end of
the war, the state of New Mexico had $750,000 worth of its
funds invested in Liberty Bonds.
The Governor became greatly concerned when he learned
that some of the bonds owned by individuals were being
used for speculative purposes. In order to counteract this
practice, he issued a press release in which he called upon
the people of the state "to repudiate the sharks" who were
endeavoring to swindle the public out of Liberty Bonds by
making them the objects of speculation. He warned the
citizens not to have any trade dealings with Liberty Bonds
WASHINGTON ELLSWORTH LINDSEY 309
as the basis. In vigorous language he declared that stock-
jobbing in the bonds of the nation was "pro-German."
In all drives for contributions and loans pertaining to the
war, New Mexico made a splendid record. The records show
that the people over-subscribed every Liberty Loan quota
and that the quotas for Red Cross, Salvation Army, Knights
of Columbus, Y. M. C. A. and other accredited war relief
organizations also received large over-subscriptions.
During the Lindsey administration and the war, there
were naturally some federal-state relationships and some
out-of -state contacts. When the United States entered the
European conflict, fear was current in the southwest that
we might also become involved in a< war with Mexico.
Prompted by that possibility, the Governor urged the federal
government to build a modern highway between Amarillo
and El Paso. This road, he maintained, was necessary be-
cause of the inadequate transportation lines extending south
and southwest reaching the Mexican border from the central
United States, and the liability of their congestion in event
of a demand for the rapid transfer of troops and munitions
of war to the border. He pledged his co-operation in the
project if the authorities deemed it wise to carry out the plan.
Similarly, when the food crisis seemed to be severe,
Lindsey urged the federal transportation authorities to build
a railroad from Farmington to Gallup for an outlet of the
food products of northwestern New Mexico and south-
western Colorado. He pointed out that much food was going
to waste in the San Juan Valley because of lack of marketing
facilities. When no federal action was taken on this matter,
he urged federal assistance for a highway from the San Juan
Valley through Cuba to Santa Fe. But here again federal
aid was not forthcoming.
In the fuel crisis during the war, the request for aid
came from the federal authorities to the states rather than
from the states to the federal authorities. In this matter
the Governor of New Mexico assisted the federal govern-
ment to the fullest extent. He issued a special proclamation
on the subject; and he visited the coal mining districts at
Raton, Dawson, Cerrillos, Gallup, and Carthage in order to
310 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
talk personally to the miners about the importance of boost-
ing production.
Concern for the New Mexico soldiers by Governor Lind-
sey also brought contacts with federal authorities. He was
proud of his state; and he wished for her soldiers to serve
in a unit to be known as the New Mexico regiment. Seeing
that the men were being distributed among the regiments of
other states and fearing that they would lose their identity,
he wired Secretary of War Baker suggesting a New Mexico
regiment. His request received careful consideration, but
could not be granted in its entirety.
Another contact was made with federal authorities by
the Governor when it was reported that New Mexico soldiers
were being discriminated against because they could not
speak the English language. On one of his visits to Camp
Kearny, he requested that the men should receive proper
treatment and advancement regardless of their racial back-
grounds. One result of this request was that schools of
instruction in the English language were formed for those
who could not speak the language.
Lindsey received several national recognitions during
the war. He was appointed as a member of the advisory
board of the All American Association. Its objectives were
to foster agricultural preparedness, increased acreage, con-
servation, good roads, elimination of get rich schemes, and
the general promotion of economy and efficiency during
the war. This appointment was due, in a large measure, to
the record that New Mexico was making in its war effort.
The Governor was invited both to attend and to speak
at a conference of the National Security League held in
Chicago in February, 1918. The purpose of the conference
was largely to stimulate and to continue to promote the
program of education civic preparedness. He appeared on
the speaking program along with such notables as former
President Taft, Elihu Root, Frank 0. Lowden, and Dr.
Robert McElroy. In his talk Lindsey explained the adopted
plan of New Mexico's civilian war program. While in Chicago
he also gave a patriotic address to one of the Chicago high
schools on Washington's birthday.
WASHINGTON ELLSWORTH LINDSEY 311
Upon his return from the conference, Lindsey offered
suggestions to various state organizations from time to time.
The warning that he brought back from the conference was
that we must not be persuaded to accept a premature peace.
He urged New Mexico organizations to be on guard for
propaganda of such a nature.
The last official out-of -state contact of Governor Lind-
sey's, of importance, was his trip to Washington, D. C., and
to Annapolis, Maryland. His purpose in visiting the former
place was to secure compensation from the government for
expenditures that the state had made at the College of
Agriculture and Mechanic Arts and at the University for
the training of soldiers in the Student's Army Training
Corps. At the latter place, he attended the conference of
governors. The efforts of the Governor were in part suc-
cessful.
Governor Lindsey spent a great deal of time during his
administration making promotional speeches and writing
some articles. Near the close of his administration he wrote
an article for the press which might well be termed a
treatise on good government. The article was a resume of
the work accomplished in his administration that, in his
estimation, could be classified as "good government." Among
these accomplishments he included: state-wide prohibition,
the secret or Australian ballot, state budget, workmen's
compensation, consolidated rural schools, highway construc-
tion, and a state council of defense for the promotion of war
activities.
In addition to his speeches and articles, the Governor also
issued many proclamations in the course of his duty as chief
executive. The subjects of the proclamations covered a wide
area, but the majority of them were made in an effort to
promote the state's war activities. The great number of
them issued, and the sincerity of their tone, indicate his
loyalty and devotion to the cause of freedom and democratic
government.
During the Lindsey administration, naturally, other
problems arose besides those connected with the prosecution
of the state's war activities. Among these problems were
312 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
two of a fiscal nature. One was the accumulation of tax
arrears since statehood in the various counties. In an effort
to improve this condition, the Governor appealed to all
county treasurers stressing the importance of the collection
of tax arrears. He also addressed a communication to all
county attorneys urging" more prompt collections in order to
maintain the credit of the state. In this communication he
pointed out to them that the average collection for all
counties of the state in 1915 was only eighty-one per cent.
A few days after the two communications had been sent,
the Governor began to receive reports from over the state
informing him that immediate action had been taken in
various counties. The county officials of Curry and Roosevelt
reported that their collection record had always been good
and that at the present time the collections were ninety-
seven and ninety-five per cent respectively.
Another fiscal problem of the Lindsey administration
was the Kelly bond fraud. When Congress passed the En-
abling Act for New Mexico, one of its stipulations provided
that the new state should assume the debts and liabilities of
the territory and of its various counties. Some of these bonds
were re-negotiated and were handled by W. G. and H. B.
Kelly, bond brokers, of Kansas City, Missouri. By the time
of the Lindsey administration, these brokers had collected,
fraudulently, approximately $70,000 of the state's money.
On his second day in office Lindsey sensed that some of
the bonds were bogus and refused to sign their interest
warrants. A subsequent audit made of the issue of Series
"C" bonds by H. C. Reid and A. E. James for the State
Taxpayers Association disclosed the fraudulent extraction
of approximately $70,000 from the funds of the state.
Thereupon, the Governor appointed James M. Hervey, Ros-
well attorney, as the state's special counsel to prosecute the
case. The case, State of New Mexico v. William G. Kelly,
dragged through the Lindsey administration; and after a
conviction, appeal, and denial, it was finally settled in Sep-
tember of 1921. The final outcome was a recovery of the
state funds and a penitentiary sentence for Kelly.
The last public utterance of Lindsey as governor of New
WASHINGTON ELLSWORTH LINDSEY 313
Mexico was given at the inauguration of his successor. In
this address he pledged his support to the new governor and
urged his audience to rededicate their lives to the task of
sustaining and promoting the republican form of govern-
ment.
Laws of His Administration
Lindsey's legislature, the third legislature of the State
of New Mexico, had a Republican majority. The register
for the session records that the Senate was composed of
fourteen Republicans and ten Democrats. Each of the chair-
men of the nineteen standing committees was a member
of the Republican party. The House Journal of the session
shows that of its forty-nine members, twenty-nine were
registered as Republicans, nineteen as Democrats, and one
as an Independent Republican. The speaker of the House
of Representatives for the session was W. H. H. Llewellyn
of Dona Ana County.
The third legislature was in session from January 9,
1917, to March 10, 1917. During the early days of the session,
the illness of Governor de Baca hung like a pall over the
members and little was accomplished. Soon after de Baca's
death the new Governor, in his "maiden" political speech,
proposed to the members of the legislature a program of
action for the remainder of the session. The talk outlined a
progressive, non-partisan policy and indicated that the
Governor would attempt to play a leading role in seeking its
fulfillment. In the remaining twenty days of the regular
session, he took an active part in attempting to get his
program through the legislature.
The third legislature passed one hundred and fifteen
laws, fourteen joint resolutions, four joint memorials, and
voted to submit three proposed constitutional amendments
to the people. Although not all of the party pledges or the
Governor's recommendations were approved, the legisla-
ture's actions went far toward consummating the wishes of
the progressive people of New Mexico.
The major laws provided for special treatment of juve-
nile delinquents, creation of county school boards, the setting
314 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
up of state machinery in order to receive the various federal
aids, a state budget, workmen's compensations, and the
creation of a board of commissioners for the promotion of
uniform legislation.
The greatest disappointment of the third legislature to
Lindsey was its failure to provide for an amendment for
woman's suffrage. Estimates of the accomplishment of the
third legislature varied. The Portales Valley News observed
that, "The third legislature has adjourned. It can not be said
that it was either better or worse than its predecessors,
neither will it go down in history as having given evidence
of great profundity." The New Mexican drew the conclusion
that, "The house averaged rather more incompetent than
most of its predecessors, while the senate averaged up well."
The Governor defended the record of his legislature.
Speaking before a convention of the New Mexico Cattle
Growers Association in Albuquerque, he stated that it had
been progressive, and had to a large extent reflected the
wishes of the people. He prophesied that one single act,
the budget law, would be of much more value to the state
than the entire cost of the legislature.
Soon after the close of the third legislature, our entry
into the European war appeared imminent. Governor Lind-
sey kept in close touch with international developments, and
stood ready to call a special session of the state legislature
the moment the necessity became apparent. Immediately
after our declaration of war, he called a meeting of the
leaders of the legislature to discuss the advisability of a
special session. The result of this meeting was a decision to
delay the call of a session until the national government had
organized its program on more concrete lines.
In the meantime, the Governor, on his own initiative,
appointed a war committee composed of leading citizens of
the state. This group was called to the state capitol to discuss
and to outline a tentative program of action to get the state
on an immediate war basis. The committee, recognizing the
lack of laws and funds necessary for the mobilization and
use of the state's resources in time of war, urged the Gover-
nor to call a special session of the legislature.
WASHINGTON ELLSWORTH LINDSEY 315
In response to this request, the Governor, on April 26,
issued a proclamation calling the third legislature to meet
in special session, May 1, for the purpose of enabling the
state to "provide for its own defense and to assist the United
States in the prosecution of the war."
The special session of the legislature convened on May 1
and remained in session until May 8, 1917. In the space of
eight days, measures were passed which put the state on a
war basis. The session passed seven laws, three joint me-
morials, and one joint resolution. Five of the measures
largely shaped and guided the future war activities of the
state. The actions of the legislature followed closely the
pattern charted for it by the Governor and his war com-
mittee.
The law of the special session which consumed most of
the Governor's time and energy after its passage was Chap-
ter Five. This was the act which provided for the public
defense and carried with it an appropriation of $750,000 to
be administered by the Governor with a State Council of
Defense in an advisory capacity. As stipulated by law, the
Governor appointed the following members to the Council:
Charles Springer, Coif ax County; Robert E. Putney, Ber-
nalillo County; B. C. Hernandez, Rio Arriba County; C. R.
Brice, Chaves County; Eduardo M. Otero, Valencia County;
W. A. Hawkins, Otero County; John M. Sully, Grant
County; Secundino Romero, San Miguel County; and Eufra-
cio Gallegos, Union County.
These men were the same group that had served on Lind-
sey's war committee and that had aided him in drawing a
legislative program for the special session. Their immediate
confirmation by the Senate indicated the approval of their
program.
The activities of the Council of Defense took many and
various forms. One of its greatest contributions was in its
promotion of war bond drives. In every Liberty Loan
campaign during the war New Mexico went "over the top."
In the field of agriculture and food production, the work of
the council was of tremendous importance. Here, again, it
was a successful story of the increase in production, due in
316 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
a large measure to the stimulation by the Council. The New
Mexico wheat production in 1916 amounted to 2,104,000
bushels, while in 1918 it was 3,334,000 bushels. The total
number of bushels of corn produced in 1916 was 2,625,000,
while in 1918 it was 4,250,000. The production of potatoes,
likewise, showed a tremendous increase. In 1916 the state
produced 816,000 bushels. This number was increased by
1918 to 1,276,000. The Bureau of Crop Estimates credited
this large increase in production mainly to the sale and
distribution of seed, by the Council, on a credit-sales plan.
The publicity department of the Council was created in
May, 1917, and on July 10, 1917, the New Mexico War News
was ushered into existence. The paper was issued weekly
for the purpose of keeping the public alerted and informed
as to all war activities. It was designed, however, to circu-
late principally among county agricultural agents, county
financial agents, and others identified with the agricultural
campaign of the Council of Defense.
The New Mexico Blue Book of 1919 lists many other
important activities of the Council. Some of these include
the destruction of predatory animals, the conservation of
gasoline, assisting miners and stockmen to get railroad cars,
keeping a record of all New Mexico soldiers, aid in register-
ing alien enemies, legal aid to soldiers, and the distribution
of posters for the Federal Government.
Failure to Win Renomination
Governor Lindsey had always been identified with the
progressive wing of the Republican party. His nomination
for lieutenant-governor in 1916 was due primarily to the
fact that the regular Republicans wished to reconcile the
progressive element in the party. In a very close election
he won the office over his Democratic opponent, Governor
W. C. McDonald, while his running-mate, Holm O. Bursum,
representing the regular faction of the party, was defeated
by E. C. de Baca. Upon the latter's death on February 18,
1917, Lindsey was elevated to the governorship.
The legislature was of a Republican majority, and with
the regular Republicans predominating, R. L. D. McAllister,
WASHINGTON ELLSWORTH LINDSEY 317
staff correspondent of the Albuquerque Journal, wrote:
"That this is another 'Bursum legislature' is generally con-
ceded. . . . Although twice defeated for governor, the
Socorro County man is today the dominant force in the
councils of his party."
During Governor de Baca's illness, a Las Vegas attor-
ney, Elmer Veeder, who was a prominent Democrat, acted as
his legal advisor. He was much disliked by the regular
Republicans, and some of them wished to have Lindsey
become acting governor. He, however, would have no part
in this plan. The Journal gave the following comment on
the incident: "In the first place, the active co-operation of
Washington E. Lindsey himself would be necessary to the
consummation of this plan, and everything that Mr. Lindsey
has said and done since he went into office negatives the idea
that he would lend himself to a scheme to deprive Governor
de Baca of any of the rights or powers of his office."
When Lindsey became governor, he was exceedingly
popular with the people, including the Democratic party.
"But," warned the Albuquerque Journal, "he has always
been identified with the progressive wing of his party and
he was one of the Republicans who revolted in the first
campaign and helped overthrow the man whose running-
mate he became in the next campaign." The Journal then
went on to predict that the new Governor was "... likely
to run against a snag of large proportions."
In his first speech as governor, given to the Republican
state central committee, Lindsey voiced anything but a
machine-type political program. Among other things, he
advocated: appointments on merit, woman's suffrage, a
cessation of vote buying, and more popular participation in
government.
Soon after this address, the New Mexican stated that
there were rumors that the old guard was holding off on
platform legislation until certain appointments had been
made. It stated further that Bursum had a candidate for the
superintendency of the penitentiary. This position was con-
sidered the choicest political "plum" of all appointments.
The Journal stated that the man most frequently mentioned
318 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
for the position was Senator Aniceto Abeyta, of Socorro, a
close political and personal friend of Bursum.
On March 7, 1917, Governor Lindsey appointed, and the
Senate later confirmed, Thomas Hughes of Albuquerque as
superintendent of the state penitentiary. Hughes was a pro-
gressive Republican who had formerly been county chair-
man of Bernalillo County, and who, according to the New
Mexican, had "reflected credit upon his common sense and
decency" by breaking with a number of old guard bosses in
the last campaign.
Another appointment of Lindsey's that did not enhance
party harmony was that of Theodore Roualt to the position
of state game warden. Governor de Baca had appointed
Dennis Chaves to the position, and the office had traditionally
gone to a Spanish-American. The regular Republicans hoped
to follow the tradition in order to appease that faction within
their party. Lindsey, however, did not choose to pay any
attention to such traditional distinctions in making his
appointments. He withdrew de Baca's nominee, and re-
placed it with the appointment of Theodore Roualt, of Las
Cruces.
During the third legislature several situations arose that
tended to widen the cleavage between the Governor and
the predominating faction of the Republicans. Lindsey
urged the legislature to submit a progressive woman's suf-
frage amendment. He made a sincere effort to get the
proposal through that body, but his efforts were in vain.
Despite the fact that both parties were bound by platform
pledges to submit to the voters of the state a woman's suf-
frage amendment, no such action was taken. Feeling against
woman's suffrage was strong, especially among Spanish-
American members of both parties. When the measure was
brought to a vote in the House, they were practically unani-
mous in their opposition to it. Their opposition, no doubt,
was the reason the old line Republican leadership did not
choose to push the measure.
Another situation that arose during the third session
that widened the cleavage was the Texas boundary suit bill.
The Republican leaders had drawn a bill for an appropria-
WASHINGTON ELLSWORTH LINDSEY 319
tion of $50,000 for the prosecution of the suit, and had
designated 0. A. Larrazolo as chief counsel. Larrazolo had
been a leading Democrat in New Mexico politics until his
withdrawal from the party in 1911. Three times before this
action, he had been nominated by the Democrats as candi-
date for delegate to Congress. He was defeated each time by
the Republican candidate. After his last defeat, he an-
nounced his withdrawal from the party, and gave as the
main reason for his action the accusation that the Demo-
cratic party was discriminating against his race.
Larrazolo immediately joined the Republican party, and
there he received a warm welcome. In 1916 he was a strong
contender for the Republican nomination for the Supreme
Court, but did not win the position. The old line Republicans
were aware of his political strength and sought to pay him
a "political debt" by incorporating his name in the boundary
suit bill.
Governor Lindsey contacted the legislative leaders and
intimated that he would withhold his signature from the
bill unless the names of Larrazolo and other attorneys were
eliminated from it. According to the Albuquerque Journal,
the Democrats and the Chief Executive forced the elimina-
tion of Larrazolo's name and reduced the amount of the
appropriation to $35,000 before it became a law. This action
of the Governor, no doubt, had the effect of further alienat-
ing him from the regular Republicans and from the Spanish-
speaking people.
A new source of friction arose during the special session
of the legislature. It occurred in the formulation of the
public defense act. The New Mexican charged in an editorial
that the Republican machine wished ". . . to establish a
regiment of state cavalry at an expense of hundreds of thou-
sands of dollars in order to provide sinecures for political
lame ducks and help build up the political machine." When,
after a stubborn fight, the public defense act was finally
passed it carried no provision for a "useless" state cavalry.
The first important move leading toward the selection
of a Republican candidate for governor in the 1918 cam-
paign occurred when Senator Albert B. Fall visited Santa
320 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Fe in August, 1918. This visit was the occasion for a meeting
of state Republican leaders. Bursum and Springer conferred
with Fall at length, and a short conference was held with
Governor Lindsey. One point emphasized as a result of this
conference was that if the United States was to be assured
of a Republican majority in the Senate, New Mexico must
re-elect Albert B. Fall.
A few days after Fall left Santa Fe, the New Mexican
charged that the Republican state ticket had been hand-
picked by the Republican leaders. It stated that there ". . .
seems to be a sort of disposition to let the leaders agree on
the ticket and then everybody pretend to like it regardless
and claim it represents the best brew of harmony on tap in
these sugarless days."
Other results of the conference of state Republican lead-
ers came to light. On August 30, 1918, Fall's campaign plans
were announced. One was that, upon Fall's insistence, Holm
O. Bursum would manage his campaign.
But the ". . . recent pow-wow of Fall state-fixers failed
to fix everybody," said the Santa Fe New Mexican. It went
on to state that a movement had been started to secure the
Republican state chairmanship for A. W. Pollard of Deming,
and that Lindsey was expected to become a candidate to
succeed himself.
The prediction was not long in forthcoming. In a press
release on August 10, Lindsey formally announced his can-
didacy. The announcement was addressed "To The Republi-
cans of New Mexico." In regard to the announcement, the
New Mexican commented, "The sage at classic Three Rivers,
the bucolic sheep fancier of Socorro, and other estimable
'conference moguls' have had a pretty dilemma put up to
them."
In his announcement, the Governor reviewed his admin-
istration and projected a platform on which he sought the
nomination. He mentioned the enactment of the prohibition
amendment and pledged the enforcement of the law to the
limit. He pledged faithful execution of the budget law, the
workmen's compensation law, and other measures passed by
the legislature. He promised support and encouragement to
WASHINGTON ELLSWORTH LINDSEY 321
the public schools, and a thorough investigation and prose-
cution of the Kelly bond case. He assured his party that
the entire force of the administration would be put behind
the war and that every effort would be made to assist the
United States in securing a victorious peace. He called his
record "an open book" and stated that the records of his
office the past two years was the best and only criterion on
which to wage the campaign.
One effect of the Governor's announcement was that it
increased the activity of the regular Republicans in lining
up delegates for the forthcoming convention. In order to
offset some of the "behind the scene" activity, Lindsey
reasserted his candidacy in a second release to the press.
The Republican state central committee held a meeting
at Santa Fe during the latter part of August. Bursum pre-
sided at the sessions in which, according to the New Mexi-
can, Lindsey made a plain bid for the nomination for gover-
nor. It went on to say that he was given a surprisingly
liberal hand considering the general opinion that the major-
ity of the committee was opposed to his nomination.
Two weeks later a number of Republican leaders, includ-
ing state chairman George Craig, Charles Springer, and
H. O. Bursum, held an important unofficial meeting in Albu-
querque. They had received letters from Senator Fall during
the past ten days advising them that a Spanish-American
must be the nominee for governor in order to insure a
Republican victory. They had also been informed that Fall
had sent word more or less directly to Lindsey that if a
Spanish-American did not receive the vote of the conven-
tion, he would support Lindsey ; but that he felt a Spanish-
American should have the nomination.
In the meantime, the Democratic party held its state
convention and nominated Felix Garcia, of Rio Arriba
County, as candidate for governor. "While Governor Lind-
sey was a candidate for the nomination to succeed himself,"
said the Albuquerque Journal, "it was known from the
moment the Democrats nominated Felix Garcia that he
would not receive the nomination."
The Democrats, conscious of the Republican intra-party
322 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
strife, played it for what it was worth. Seemingly sensing
who would be the Republican nominee, their resolutions
condemned the Texas boundary suit appropriation, espe-
cially "the gift of $7,500 in payment of a political debt."
Their temporary chairman, Neill B. Field, in his keynote
speech, after praising Governor Lindsey and the Democratic
minority for having kept the Republicans from dissipating
a large portion of the defense appropriation for a state
cavalry, said : "I wonder if they will show their gratitude by
renominating him for the office — not for some other office
where he will be powerless to stand between them and their
schemes, but for the office of governor, which I am frank
to say, I think he has executed with fidelity and with as much
efficiency as was possible under the restraining hands of the
leaders of the Republican organization."
The Republican state convention opened in Santa Fe on
October 2. While visiting among the delegates, Lindsey told
them that he had come as a delegate from his home county,
and that he was "prepared to play the game according to
the rules." The keynote address was given by Bursum, the
temporary chairman. In his address the speaker dealt
largely with national issues. He was extremely generous
in his praise of the accomplishments and qualifications of
Senator Albert B. Fall in fitting into the national picture.
In regard to Lindsey, Bursum said : "Governor Lindsey has
given to the people of New Mexico a clean, honest, and fear-
less administration. He is entitled to appreciation for the
faithful and efficient administration of public affairs rela-
tive to the governor's office."
When the time arrived for the presentation of candidates
for governor, James M. Hervey, of Roswell, presented the
name of Governor Lindsey. He termed him as a "great war
governor" with a record of an administration that was
"honest, fearless, and fair." The presentation was seconded
by delegate Jack Wilcox, of Roosevelt County, who said that
Lindsey would carry that solidly Democratic county.
Charles Spiess, of San Miguel County, presented the
name of O. A. Larrazolo "amid much applause." After laud-
ing his candidate, Spiess said that he was a friend of Gover-
WASHINGTON ELLSWORTH LINDSEY 323
nor Lindsey, but did not believe that the Governor was the
strongest candidate.
On the first ballot, the convention nominated Larrazolo
for governor. He received 852 votes while Lindsey was given
118. Lindsey carried Chaves, De Baca, Lea, Luna, Quay,
and Roosevelt Counties. The remaining votes which he re-
ceived came from counties scattered throughout the state.
Lindsey's failure to get the Republican nomination for
governor in 1918 was the greatest disappointment of his
life. According to one of his close friends, "It grieved him to
his death." He always felt that he had given an energetic,
efficient, and honest administration. That it was not due to
lack of merit, but because he did not cater to the bosses that
they saw to it that he was not renominated. He always felt
that if he could have carried his cause to the people in a
primary election he would have been successful. In analyzing
the reason he did not serve again, one is lead to believe that
it was due to a combination of forces. In the first place,
Lindsey was of the progressive wing of the Republican
party. Up until the time of his nomination for the lieutenant-
governorship in 1916, he had opposed Holm 0. Bursum and
other regular Republicans. The friction between the two
elements of the party continued during his administration.
Secondly, Lindsey stood for more popular participation in
government, such as the direct primary, initiative, refer-
endum, recall, and woman's suffrage. These measures were
not acceptable to most of the Spanish-Americans and to the
large commercial interests that were supporting the Repub-
lican party. In the third place, the Republicans felt that in
order to insure a complete Republican victory in New Mex-
ico, a Spanish-American must head the state ticket. Albert
Fall wished to win re-election to the United States Senate,
and he put pressure upon the state Republican leaders to
give the gubernatorial position to a Spanish- American. For
this position, O. A. Larrazolo was the logical man. He was a
close friend of Senator Fall, a man of ability, a gifted
speaker, and an outspoken champion of the Spanish-speak-
ing people.
After his governorship, Lindsey continued to play a
324 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
minor role in New Mexico politics. He gave counsel at all
times to the Roosevelt County Republican organization and
attended all state Republican conventions. In 1924, he was a
delegate from New Mexico to the Republican national con-
vention in Cleveland, Ohio.
Most of Lindsey's time and energy, however, were ex-
pended along lines other than political. After the close of his
administration, he maintained a law office in Albuquerque
for a short time, but soon returned to Portales to his former
law and real estate office.
In conclusion, while Lindsey lacked the quality of dy-
namic leadership and the full confidence of his party, one can
hardly deny that his absolute honesty, his unwavering
patriotism, his devotion to popular democratic government,
and his pioneering and progressive spirit enabled him to
play an important role in the development of the young state
of New Mexico.
(The End)
CHECKLIST OF NEW MEXICO PUBLICATIONS
By WILMA LOY SHELTON
(Continued)
1940
Jan. 13 — Finish relief fund day. dated 12/28/39.
Feb. 1 — Social hygiene day. dated 1/30.
Feb. 5-10 — Sheep and wool week, dated 1/13.
Feb. 12-22 — National Americanism week, dated 3/9.
Feb. 18-25 — Social security week, dated 2/14.
Mar. 4 — Lordsburg declared a city. 2p. dated 3/4.
Mar. 7 — On taking of the census, dated 3/7.
Mar. 10-17 — Save your vision week, dated 3/4.
Mar. 17-24 — Wildlife conservation week, dated 2/29.
Mar. 22 — Good Friday, dated 3/21.
Apr. — Cancer control month, dated 4/1.
Apr. 14-21 — Parent teacher week, dated 4/2.
Apr. 15-20 — Kindness to animals week, dated 4/18.
Apr. 23 — Grasshopper emergency, dated 4/23.
May 1-7 — State employment week.
May 5-11 — National music week, dated 4/30.
May 17-25 — National cotton week, dated 4/30.
May 12-17 — Radio festival week, dated 5/1.
May 12 — Hospital day. dated 5/8.
May 18 — World good will day. dated 4/30.
May 18-24 — World good will week.
May 19 — I am an American day. dated 5/18.
May 20-25 — "This work pays your community week." dated 5/15.
June 2— "Little boy blue day." dated 5/6.
June 2-8 — National hotel week.
June 8-14 — Flag week, dated 6/5.
July 1-7 — Dental hygiene week, dated 6/24.
Aug. 18-25 — N. M. Products week, dated 8/8.
Sept. 7 — Primary election. 7p. dated 7/1.
Sept. 30 — Call for special session, dated 9/13.
Sept. 22-28 — N. M. Truck safety week, dated 9/8.
Oct. 6-12 — National business women's week, dated 10/3.
Oct. 6-12 — Fire prevention week, dated 10/3.
Oct. 16 — Registration day. dated 9/25.
Dec. 17 — Pan American aviation day. dated 12/3.
1941
Jan. 17-24 — National thrift week.
Feb. 3-10 — Sheep and wool week, dated 1/15.
325
326 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Feb. 12-22 — National defense week. 2p. dated 2/12.
Feb. 28 — Quarantine of cattle against certain counties in Texas.
3p. dated 2/28.
Mar. 9-14 — School bus safety week, dated 2/17.
Mar. 23-30 — Beef week, dated 2/17.
Mar. 25 — Greek war relief association day. dated 3/12.
Mar. 29 — Radio movin' day. dated 3/7.
Apr. 11 — Good Friday, dated 4/10.
Apr. 14-19 — Parent-teacher week, dated 3/28.
Apr. 14-20 — Golden rule week, dated 4/12.
Apr. 20 — Little boy blue day. dated 4/14.
Apr. 20-26 — Kindness to animals week, dated 4/15.
May 4-10 — Navy aviation week, dated 4/28.
May 4-11 — National music week, dated 4/23.
May 4-11 — Employment week, dated 4/25.
May 4-11 — Fire prevention week.
May 12 — Hospital day. dated 5/1.
May 16-24 — National cotton week, dated 5/13.
May 18 — I am an American day. dated 4/22.
June 7 — Registration day. dated 5/28.
June 8-14 — Flag week, dated 5/27.
June 15-29 — N. M. Flying cadet week.
July 1 — Second registration, dated 6/12.
July 14-21 — Aid to British labor week, dated 6/25.
July 24 — National defense day. dated 7/12.
Sept. 20 — Cattle quarantine lifted, dated 9/20.
Oct. 1-7 — Aspen week, dated 8/20.
Oct. 5-11 — Fire prevention week, dated 10/24.
Oct. 5-11 — National business women's week, dated 10/6.
Oct. 26-Nov. 1 — Food for freedom, dated 10/21.
Nov. 2-9 — N. M. Home builders week, dated 6/1.
Nov. 9-15 — American education week, dated 10/20.
Nov. 11-16 — Civilian defense, dated 10/29.
Dec. 8 — "Emergency existing" proclamation, dated 12/8.
Dec. 15 — Bill of rights day. dated 11/26.
1942
Jan. 1 — Good neighbor day.
Jan. 12 — Silver dollar week, dated 1/8.
Feb. 4 — Social hygiene day.
Feb. 9 — Day light saving time.
Feb. 16 — Third registration day. dated 1/17.
Feb. 20— Day of prayer, dated 2/4.
Feb. 22-28 — Nutrition and plant for victory week, dated 2/4.
Mar. 1-7 — Beef week, dated 2/24.
April — Buy coal now. dated 3/24.
Apr. 3 — Good Friday, dated 3/28.
CHECKLIST 327
Apr. 5-11 — Mobilization week.
Apr. 11-18 — China week in N. M. dated 3/23.
Apr. 13 — Defense bond week, dated 4/14.
Apr. 17 — Victory bond week, dated 4/14.
Apr. 19-25 — Kindness to animals week, dated 4/13.
Apr. 25 — Alliance day. dated 4/17.
Apr. 27 — Fourth registration day. dated 4/3.
May 1 — Day of prayer, dated 4/23.
May 2 — Navy relief day. dated 4/24.
May 3-9 — National employment week, dated 4/21.
May 3-10 — National music week, dated 4/15.
May 12 — Hospital day. dated 5/1.
May 15-23 — National cotton week, dated 4/15.
May 17 — I am an American day. dated 4/23.
Fire prevention, dated 5/18.
May 22 — National maritime day. dated 5/7.
June — Dairy month, dated 5/29.
June 8-14 — Flag week, dated 5/25.
June 12 — Patriot pageant and town meeting day. dated 5/10.
June 22 — Aid to Russia, dated 6/18.
June 30 — Fifth registration day. dated 5/8.
July 8-16 — Scrap rubber salvage week, dated 7/7.
Aug. 22-28 — Cheese week, dated 8/17.
Sept. 1-Dec. 31 — National scrap harvest, dated 8/10.
Sept. 12 — Calling for a primary election. 6p. dated 7/6.
Sept. 12 — To fill vacancy caused by death of Frank Butt from
Bernalillo county, dated 8/3.
Sept. 16-30 — Scrap metal campaign, dated 9/11.
Sept. 22 — Auto speed reduced & reduction in use of passenger
cars, dated 9/22.
Sept. 27 — Victory fleet day. dated 9/21.
Oct. 4-10 — Fire prevention week, dated 9/21.
Oct. 12-18— Bible week, dated 10/6.
Oct. 19 — Women for war industry, dated 10/15.
Nov. 1 — Optimist week, dated 10/29.
Nov. 1-15 — American junior red cross membership drive, dated
10/28.
Nov. 3 — Senator for 22nd district comprising Quay county to fill
vacancy caused by resignation of I. L. McAlister. dated 10/7.
Nov. 8-14 — American education week, dated 10/21.
Nov. 10 — Marine Corp day. dated 10/21.
Nov. 12-18 — Women at war week, dated 11/9.
Dec. 2 — Sixth registration of 18-19 year olds, dated 12/2.
Dec. 7— V Day. 2p. dated 11/27.
1943
Jan. 1 — Good neighbor day.
Jan. 12 — Farm mobilization day. dated 1/8.
328 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Jan. 15-30 — Official campaign period for raising funds for carry-
ing on work for crippled children, dated 1/19.
Jan. 26 — Me Arthur Day. dated 1/16.
Feb. 3 — Social hygiene day. 1/23.
Feb. 19-28 — Brotherhood week, dated 2/9.
March — WAAC Recruiting month, dated 2/26.
March and April — Planting for victory months, dated 3/8.
March — American Red Cross War fund campaign month, dated
3/3.
Mar. 12-13 — Stockman's mobilization days, dated 2/17.
Mar. 25 — Greek independence day. dated 3/11.
Apr. 11-17 — Kindness to animals week, dated 4/10.
Apr. 13 — 200th anniversary of birth of Thomas Jefferson, dated
3/29.
Apr. 14 — Pan American day. dated 3/29.
June-July — Calling attention to second annual music festival, dated
4/22.
May 2-9 — National music week, dated 4/15.
May 16 — I am an American day. dated 3/19.
May 24 — Fire prevention, dated 5/24.
June 6 — Shut-ins' week, dated 5/13.
June 8-14 — Flag week, dated 5/13.
June 22 — Requesting the people of the state to acquaint them-
selves with air raid regulations, dated 6/22.
July — Second Records drive for fighting men. dated 7/7.
Sept. 12-18 — Waves enlistment week.
Sept. 26-Oct. 3 — 13th Annual religious education week, dated
9/23.
Sept. 27-Dec. 7 — Recruiting of women for the army, dated 9/27.
Oct. -Nov. — National war funds campaign months, dated 10/16.
October — Membership enrollment month for National congress of
parents and teachers, dated 9/27.
Oct. 3-9 — Fire prevention, dated 10/1.
Oct. 10-16 — National business women's week, dated 10/1.
Oct. 11-17— Bible week, dated 10/11.
Nov. 1-15 — Red Cross enrollment time.
Nov. 7-13 — American education week, dated 10/30.
Nov. 22 — Annual Christmas seal sale, date 11/22.
Dec. 15 — Bill of rights day. Gov. Dempsey called attention to the
necessity of conserving critical resources for the war.
Dec. 15 — Waste paper salvage, dated 12/15.
1944
Jan. 17-23 — National thrift week.
Jan. 18-Feb. 15 — Fourth war loan month, dated 1/12.
Jan. 26 — MacArthur day. dated 1/17.
Jan. 30 — President's birthday and the occasion of fund raising for
national foundation for infantile paralysis, dated 1/24.
CHECKLIST 329
Feb. 2 — National social hygiene day. dated 1/27.
Feb. 4-6— U.S.O. days, dated 1/31.
March — WAAC recruiting month.
March — Red Cross month, dated 2/24.
April — Use eggs now month, dated 4/12.
Mar. 17 — Urging waste paper collection, dated 3/17.
Apr. 2-9 — Easter Seals week, dated 2/14.
Apr. 23-29 — Kindness to animals week, dated 4/12.
Apr. 28 — D Day as a day of prayer, dated 4/28.
May 1— Child health day. dated 4/20.
May 7-14 — National and Inter- American music week, dated 4/20.
May 8-13 — Fraternal week, dated 5/2.
May 11-17 — Women's Army corps recruiting week, dated 5/2.
May 13 — Cadet nurse corps day. dated 5/3.
May 7-14 — National family week, dated 4/21.
May 21 — I am an American day. dated 4/27.
May 22 — Maritime day. dated 5/3.
June — Dairy month, dated 6/2.
June 4 — Shut-ins' day. dated 6/2.
June 6 — Public proclamation calling a primary election.
June 6 — Participation in primary election, dated 5/13.
June 14 — Flag day. dated 6/2.
June 15 — Infantry day. dated 6/2.
June 18 — French resistance day. dated 6/13.
July 10 — Calling a special session of 16th legislature, dated 7/1.
July 30 — Wave day. dated 7/25.
Sept. 15-Oct. 15 — Christmas mailing days, dated 9/9.
Sept. 24-Oct. 1 — Annual religious education week.
Sept. 24-Oct. 7 — Drive for clothing for the benefit of the peoples
of liberated nations, dated 9/23.
Oct. 1-Nov. 1 — Ambulance plane campaign month, dated 9/30.
Oct. 1-7 — Optimist week, dated 9/22.
Oct. 8-14 — Fire prevention week, dated 9/23.
Oct. 8-14 — National business women's week, dated 10/6.
Oct. 9-15 — National Bible week, dated 10/2.
Oct. 9-Nov. 11 — National war fund campaign month, dated 10/6.
Oct. 22-29 — Greek liberation week, dated 10/21.
Nov. 5-11 — American education week, dated 10/19.
Dec. 15— Bill of Rights day. dated 11/21.
Dec. 28— Seabee day. dated 12/22.
1945
Jan. 8 — War price and Rationing board week, dated 1/5/45.
Jan. 17-23 — National thrift week, dated 12/30/44.
Jan. 21-27 — Kiwanis anniversary week, dated 1/11/45.
Jan. 29 — March of dimes, dated 1/29/45.
Feb. 1-Apr. 30 — War medical technician recruiting campaign,
dated 1/29/45.
330 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Feb. 3-5— U.S.O. days, dated 1/22/45.
Feb. 11 — 98th anniversary of birth of Thomas Alva Edison, dated
2/8/45.
Mar. — Red Cross month, dated 2/19/45.
Mar. — Easter seals month, lated 2/26/45.
Mar. 3-11— 4-H club week, dated 2/27/45.
Mar. 13— "V-day." dated 3/13/45.
Mar. 19-24 — Check your tires week, dated 3/15/45.
Apr. 1-30 — Cancer control month, dated 4/4/45.
Apr. 1-30 — United National clothing collection month, dated
4/5/45.
Apr. 6 — Army day. dated 3/26/45.
Apr. 9-15 — National Sunday school week, dated 4/2/45.
Apr. 13 — Period of mourning for Pres. Roosevelt, dated 4/12/45.
Day of mourning — funeral services for Pres. Roosevelt, dated
4/13/45.
Apr. 15-21 — Kindness to animals week, dated 4/5/45.
Apr. 22-28 — World fellowship week, dated 4/5/45.
Apr. 22-28 — Victory garden week, dated 4/12/45.
May 6-13 — National music week, dated 4/16/45.
May 13 — Day of prayer and thanksgiving — V.E. Day. dated
5/8/45.
May 20 — I am an American day. dated 5/1/45.
May 21-26 — National Cotton week, dated 5/11/45.
May 22 — National maritime day. dated 4/16/45.
June — Dairy month, dated 5/21/45.
June 3 — International shut-in-day, dated 5/23/45.
June 10-17 — Flag week, dated 5/21/45.
June 14 — Flag day. dated 5/21/45.
June 15 — Infantry day. dated 6/11/45.
August — Railroad manpower drive month, n.d.
Aug. 3 — Ernie Pyle day. dated 7/26/45.
Aug. 7 — Guadalcanal day. dated 8/6/45.
Aug. 12-18 — Social security observance week, dated 8/6/45.
Aug. 15 — "Victory day in New Mexico." dated 8/14/45.
Sept. 16 — Mexican Independence day. dated 8/4/45.
Sept. 16-22 — National American Legion membership acceleration
week, dated 9/17/45.
Sept. 17 — Constitution day. dated 9/4/45.
Sept. 22 — American Indian day. dated 9/4/45.
Sept. 30— National War fund Sunday, dated 9/11/45.
Sept. 30-Oct. 7 — Religious education week, dated 9/22/45.
Oct. 1-8 — Newspaper week, dated 10/1/45.
Oct. 4 — Rural school charter day. dated 10/1/45.
Oct. 4 — Recruiting, dated 10/4/45.
Oct. 7-13 — National employ the physically handicapped week,
dated 10/2/45.
CHECKLIST 331
Oct. 7-13 — Fire prevention week, dated 10/2/45.
Oct. 7-13 — Optimist week in New Mexico, dated 10/2/45.
Oct. 7-14 — National business women's week, dated 10/3/45.
Oct. 11 — General Pulaski's memorial day in New Mexico, dated
10/4/45.
Oct. 12— Columbus day. dated 10/8/45.
Oct. 15-21— National Bible week, dated 10/13/45.
Oct. 21-28 — N atonal flower week in New Mexico, dated 10/18/45.
Oct. 27— Navy day. dated 10/16/45.
Oct. 27 — Commemoration of Theodore Roosevelt's birthday, dated
10/15/45.
Nov. 1-7 — American art week, dated 11/5/45.
Nov. 7 — Hot Springs is entitled to become a city and designated
as the city of Hot Springs, dated 11/7/45.
Nov. 10 — Marine day. dated 11/6/45.
Nov. 22-Dec. 8 — Calling attention to Sister Kenny Foundation
fund appeal, dated 11/20/45.
Dec. 2-8 — Buy a victory bond week, dated 11/29/45.
Dec. 15— Bill of rights day. dated 11/30/45.
Dec. 22 — Requests bars be closed on Dec. 25. dated 11/22/45.
1946
Jan. 17 — Benjamin Franklin's birthday, dated 1/14.
Jan. 25 — N. M. State guard band ordered to active duty, dated
1/24.
Jan. 30 — President's birthday and March of dimes campaign.
dated 1/23.
Feb. 8-14 — Boy Scout week, dated 1/15.
Feb. 11 — Thomas Alva Edison Day. dated 1/30.
Mar. — Red Cross month, dated 2/21.
Mar. 10— 4-H Club week, dated 2/19.
Mar. 17-23— Beef week, dated 2/19.
April 1 — Public proclamation calling primary election to be held
June 4.
April — Cancer control month, dated 4/3.
April 7-13 — Kindness to animals week, dated 3/30.
April 14 — Pan American day. dated 4/8.
April 8-14 — National Sunday school week, dated 4/5.
April 14-21 — Crippled children's week, dated 4/9.
April 21-27 — World Fellowship week, dated 4/18.
April 27-May 4 — Boys and girls week, dated 4/26.
May 5-12 — National music week, dated 4/26.
May 5-12 — Home demonstration week, dated 4/23.
May 15-July 1 — Traffic safety check program, dated 5/14.
May and June — Marching forward months, dated 5/8.
(To be continued)
Notes and Documents
A NEW MEXICO TERRITORIAL GUARDSMAN.
One August night in Albuquerque, in the year of 1903, from a
vacant lot on Railroad Avenue (now Central) just north of the Grant
Building came horrified cries, hilarious shouts and hysterical laughter
and hearty curses — all the healthy noises of a National Guard initia-
tion in full form and full blast.
Jerry Nolan, a tramp printer on the Albuquerque Citizen, poked
his inquisitive nose around the corner of the Grant Building and shook
with unrefined and uncontrolled laughter.
The sight that provoked his hilarity was a group of Company G,
Duke City National Guardsmen,1 viciously tossing a raw recruit in a
blanket. Just an old army custom, which many grey-haired and digni-
fied old soldiers will recall with a shudder at the painful memory. This
was only a small part of the initiation, or harmless hazing. There were
imitations of the Indian Scalp Dance, running-the-alley-of -paddles, and
other tortures, mentally more than physically harmful.
Jerry Nolan hung around for all the fun. He was wise to the ways
of these Wild and Woolly West boys. When the hilariously shouting
soldier boys had tossed their victim until he was dizzy and confused
and thoroughly frightened, they dumped him out into the dust and
rushed away pellmell toward the drill hall in the Grant Building, where
a pleasant dance was in progress.
The blanket-tossed recruit finally staggered over to Jerry. "I
knew you would be in for a good old-fashioned hazing, Scoops, when
you told me you had joined the Territory of New Mexico National
Guard. I knew that these town boys would give a raw recruit, an East-
ern tenderfoot and fresh cub reporter, the works — all the tortures they
could cook-up."
The well-initiated and shook-up guardsmen shook the dust out of
his long hair and shuddered and shivered at the thought of more to
come.
Jerry kept on laughing. "Don't get sore, Scoops," he advised. "Take
the word of an old soldier like myself. You will get tossed in plenty
of blankets of one kind or another by fun-loving folks and practical
jokers on your journey through life." How right he was.
"If I'm ever a Captain," said Scoops, "I'll certainly get even with
this gang." (The Captaincy came thirty years later — too late.)
"Don't be a tin soldier," said Jerry. "Take the rough spots like you
enjoyed the bumps, and life will be a joyous adventure."
So the Albuquerque Citizen reporter, one C. L. (Scoops) Pancoast,
found that the blanket-tossing and severe initiation of the Guardsmen
1. The 1903 Adjutant General of Colorado was in Command of the Territory of
New Mexico National Guard.
332
Chalmers (Scoops) Lowell Pancoast, a New Mexico Territorial Guardsman
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 333
had hurt his pride, and soiled up his brand-new uniform, more than it
had hurt him physically. And then he hurried back into the drill-hall
ready for whatever adventure awaited him there.
At the time I was a tenderfoot cub reporter on the Old Citizen,
the most popular and only form of amusement was hazing, playing
practical jokes, singing parodies on well-known ballads, reciting "Dan-
gerous Dan McGrew," "The Face on the Bar-room Floor," and "The
Cremation of Sam McGee." At that time the Klondyke rush was the
big talk. I was bold enough to write a parody on Sam McGee, using
Albuquerque as a background for the popular ballad. It was called, "I
Cremated Sam McGurkie from Albuquerkie." Here's the way the first
verse was sung : "There are strange things done — In the Mid-night sun
— By the men who mould for gold — And the Arctic trails — Have their
secret tales — That would make your blood run cold — The Northern
Lights — Have seen queer sights — But the queerest they ever seen
workie — Was the night on the boat — On Lake Nannygoat — I cremated
Sam McGurkie — Now Sam McGurkie was from Albuquerkie — Where
the Mariana Tree blooms and grows — Why he left his home in Old Town
to roam — Around the pole — The devil only knows" — etc. etc. ad finitum.
Dozens of verses, all equally as bad, followed. It was just an endurance
race for tonsils and lung power.
Company G in Albuquerque was a swell military and social outfit.
All night dances were held weekly at Grand Hall, and sometimes in
Colombo Hall, the only theater in town. In the summer of 1903 we went
into camp at Montezuma Hot Springs, outside of Las Vegas, and what
a great time was had by all.
We had two Companies of Cavalry from Fort Wingate, Arizona,
perfectionists in monkey-drills and trick riding. As Regimental Quarter
Master Sergeant, I was on the staff of Colonel John Borradaile, Com-
manding the Regiment. I was assigned to duty with the Cavalry Quarter
Master in planning all the social events at the Montezuma Hot Springs
hotel.
One night while hobnobbing with the Arizona Cavalrymen, I was
almost persuaded to join that flashy outfit at Fort Wingate, which was
famous for their exhibition riding at the Albuquerque Territorial Fairs.
But toward morning I met some newspaper reporters from Denver. I
got leave of absence to join them on a trip over to Harvey's Ranch to
get a story of the new scenic route that was being surveyed from Las
Vegas to Santa Fe.
I was so busy getting material and pictures for the newspapers
that I forgot all about joining the Arizona Cavalry. If I had, that
would have been another story.
The following page explains how I happened to be made a Captain,
Q.M.C., retired Officer of the New Mexico National Guard.
Chalmers Lowell Pancoast
305 West 45th St.,
New York, 19, N.Y.
334 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
(Copy)
Brigadier General Osborne C. Wood Major Hilario A. Delgado
The Adjutant General Assistant Adjutant General.
OFFICE OF
THE ADJUTANT GENERAL
Santa Fe, N. M.
OCTOBER 15, 1934.
CERTIFICATE.
This is to certify that the name of CAPTAIN CHALMERS L.
PANCOAST, Q.M.C. IS a retired Officer of the New Mexico National
Guard and his name was placed on the retired list on January 1st. 1904.
Osborne C. Wood,
The Adjutant General
(copy)
STATE OF NEW MEXICO
OFFICE OF THE ADJUTANT GENERAL
SANTA FE.
Special Orders October 15, 1934.
No. 81.
3. Regimental Quartermaster Sergeant, Chalmers L. Pancoast,
First New Mexico Infantry is promoted to the grade of CAPTAIN,
Q.M.C. New Mexico National Guard on January 1, 1904, and his name
is placed upon the retired list of the New Mexico National Guard as of
that date.
BY COMMAND OF THE GOVERNOR
Osborne C. Wood
The Adjutant General.
EDITOR OF THE NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Dear Sir,
By Professor Worcester's article in the April number of the RE-
VIEW, I see that he agrees with the Handbook of American Indians (B.
A. E. Bull. 30, art., Apache) in deriving the name "Apache" from the
Zuni word apachu, "enemy." May I put the case for another explana-
tion?— namely, that the Zuni word is derived from apddje, "people,"
the name by which the Apaches of Yuman speech call themselves ; that
these Apadje were, at an early period, the typical enemies of the pueblo
people; and that when the Athapascan Dine whom we know as the
Navaho arrived, they were classified as a variety of Apache.
As for the name Apaches de (not del) Navajoo and related Span-
ish forms, they were taken, apparently, from the Tewa language — not
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 335
unnaturally, since Benavides and other missionary writers made ac-
quaintance with the Navaho through the Tewa. At Hano one hears the
expression (though not with special reference to the Navaho) , di nava
hulu, "they make fields, or plant, in the washes" ; so that in New Mexi-
can Tewa, where I is regularly replaced by a stop, apddje di nava hu'u'i
would mean "Apache who make fields in the washes," i.e., a semi-
agricultural though non-irrigating variety of Apache — a reasonable
description of the Navaho practice — and might be represented in Span-
ish as Apaches'*- de Navajoo or de Navaju.
It remains to consider Benavides' assertion (Memorial, 1630, chap-
ter "Conversion de los Apaches de Navajo"), "que aunque son de la
misma nacion Apache que la antecedente" (i.e., as the Gila Apache)
"estdn sujetos a otro capitdn mayor y tienen otro modo de vivir, porque
los de atrds no sembraban, sino que se sustentaban de caza. . . . y estos
de Navajo son muy grandes labradores, que eso significa Navajo, se-
menteras grandes." In the first place, Benavides was mistaken if he
thought that what his Tewa informant gave him was a tribal name:
the Athapascan Navaho called themselves dine, "people," and the Tewa
called them njwansave. It must have been a descriptive or explanatory
phrase. Possibly the informant used a quasi-noun-phrase, navahu'u,
"arroyo, wash or Canada with field or cultivable land in it" (see J. P.
Harrington, B.A.E. Ann. Rep. 29, p. 79). More probably, I think, he
used the phrase with quasi-verbal prenominal prefix di, "they make
fields in arroyos"; because (A) this fits the context — he was explaining
what these people do which constitutes a "different mode of living"
from that of the Gila Apache; they are semi-agricultural, they make
fields in arroyos ; and quite probably he went on to elucidate that phrase
by reference to some large arroyo-field already known to Benavides,
and from this Benavides got the idea that Navajo meant "sementeras
grandes." And (B) this di accounts for "Apaches de Navajo."
Yours sincerely,
BARBARA AITKEN
Broughton, Hampshire, England
June 5, 1951
Protest Against Slanderous Charges*
Valid by the third seal for the years 1827 and 1828
Seiior Honorable Political Chief:
Citizen Juan Geronimo Torres, neighbor and resident in the new
1. New Mexico Spanish, like Andalusian, being: apt to suppress final s.
* Prepared for publication by Dr. Lynn I. Perrigo, Head Department of History
and Social Sciences, New Mexico Highlands University.
See NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW, April, 1951, for first installment of these
documents and for explanatory note.
[The above documents represent the second part of the series of the Torres papers.
Ed.]
336 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
jurisdiction of Sabinal ; before your lordship, subject to your pleasure,
I present myself and say : That obligated, by the necessity of defending
my honor and rights, to make representations against the vexations
and insults which the new Alcalde of my community has inferred
against me publicly; I proceed to Your Lordship petitioning, in the
fullest way, that for the said Alcalde there may be exposed to you
his responsibility for abuse which he has made from his superior posi-
tion, compared with me, taking advantage of this in order to shame me
by word of mouth, telling me in the presence of more than a dozen
persons that I am a "rebel,"1 an expression, among many of which, he
used to give vent to his resentment, and maltreating my person, which
he has been doing repeatedly, thereby degrading me with what to me
is such an insulting word ; hence may you do the favor to order, if you
esteem it proper, that the aforesaid Alcalde prove to me before a pub-
lic sitting of an impartial and competent tribunal, how, when and where
he has seen me commit such a serious crime, and how it is likely that
knowing it (1) he (as the sole authority of most restricted jurisdic-
tion) has permitted that he may remain in contradiction of an attempt
at equal respectability. (2) Sir: in my poor judgment it it so irrecon-
cilable as to believe an authority to avail himself of his office in order to
express to a citizen insults which scandalize the hearing of citizens
of honor and judgment; whose high regard I have procured to keep in
order to merit the esteem of my co-citizens, as is public and well
known, and in consequence of this it is excessively infuriating to me
that an individual, like the citizen Alcalde Ramon Torres, whose
quarrelsome tendency has always characterized his activities, may feed
his passion and ill-will which he has for me, maltreating me publicly
with stigmatizing and insulting words in the highest degree. Wherefore
OF YOUR HIGHNESS, I ask and beg that you may
please order, because of being the sole recourse that I now can have,
that the responsibility may be charged to the said Alcalde hereby liable
under the law of the red seal, as much over the abuse of his authority
as the proof that I am a "rebel," a point which I shall never lose sight
of until I shall see my honor completely vindicated, leaving myself in
the meantime the comfort that I am appealing to a superior who knows
the individual against whom I direct my just complaint, certain that
never will the aforesaid Alcalde prove to me the calumny which he has
employed in order to avenge his well-known and base passions.
Santa Fe, June 30, 1827 Juan Geronimo Torres
Last Will and Testament
1. In the name of God all-powerful, Amen.
I, Don Juan Geronimo Torres, native of Belen and resident of
Sabinal, legitimate son of Juan Torres and of Dona Rita Garcia, both
deceased, my deceased father a native of the city of Santa Fe and my
1. rebolucionario.
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 337
mother of Tome, finding myself by divine mercy sick in bed but in full
soundness of faculty, believing and communing, as I faithfully bow
and confess, the Mystery of the Trinity, Father, Son, and Holy Spirit,
three persons, which although actually distinct have the same attributes
and are only one true God and one essence and being, and all other
of the mysteries and Sacraments which our Holy Mother the Apostolic
Roman Catholic Church believes and confesses, whose true faith and
creed I have lived, do live, and swear to live and die, as a faithful
Christian Catholic: taking as my intercessor the ever Virgin and Im-
maculate Queen of the Angels, the Most Holy Mary, Mother of God, and
Our Lady, of the Holy Guardian Angel, my custody, and that of my
name and devotion, and moreover of the Celestial Court, in order that
they may plead before our Lord and Redeemer Jesus, that by the
infinite virtues of his most precious life, suffering, and death he may
pardon all of my sins and take up my soul to enjoy his presence : fearful
of the death which is so natural and necessary for all human creatures,
so uncertain its time, for this to be prepared with a testamentary dispo-
sition of affairs when it arrives ; to resolve with mature deliberation and
reflection all things pertaining to the unburdening of my conscience;
to avoid with clarity the doubts and disputes which without this could
be stirred up after my death, and not to have at that hour some tem-
poral care which might hinder my asking God with all earnestness the
remission which I hope of my sins: I procure, I make and I order my
testament in the following manner; today the sixth of October in the
year of the Lord 1849.
Juan Geronimo Torres
First Article. I commit my soul to God our Lord, who created it from
nothing and I send my body to the earth of which it was formed, which,
become a corpse, I want enshrouded with the habit of our Seraphic
Father Saint Francis and buried in the church of this village of
Sabinal, of which I am a parishioner.
Second Article. It is my wish that (if he may be present) the parish
priest Antonio Otero may minister at my interment, due to not having
a full number of the religious order of Our Father Saint Francis ; and
my interment may be attended by persons who so desire.
Third Article. I request that on the day of my interment, there being
time, or if not, on the day immediately following, there may be per-
formed a mass for my soul, with my body present, with deacon, vigil,
and responsary, alms being offered according to custom.
Fourth Article. I leave sixty pesos in order that masses may be offered
to the Holy Sacrament.
Fifth Article. I declare myself to have been married legitimately to
Dona Maria Josef a Chavez, in which marriage we have procreated, and
we have as our legitimate children Don Juan, Don Pedro, Dona Maria
338 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Rita, Dona Ana Maria and Dona Catalina Torres, all married and freed
from tutelage, for which he vouches.
Sixth Article. I name as my executors Don Vicente Pino and Don Juan
Torres and Don Pedro Torres, in order that they may take charge of
affairs under this testament or memorial.
Seventh Article. In order to execute all the devout desires contained
in this will, and which this memorandum might contain, in case I should
leave it, I name as my executors the above named, and by the same
request, that they may concur and to each in solidum,2 and upon them
I confer full power that they may immediately after I die take posses-
sion of my belongings to sell those most suitable and necessary in
public auction or otherwise and from the returns to execute this and
pay all which may fall to their duty within the legal year, and the more
time that may be necessary, then it may be lengthened.
Article Eight. After the fulfillment and payment of all aforesaid, for
the remainder of my belongings, household goods, property rights and
grants present and future I establish as my sole and universal heirs
the aforesaid Don Juan, Don Pedro, Dona Maria Rita, Senora Ana
Maria and Dona Catalina Torres y Chavez, my five children, and the
above mentioned Dona Maria Josefa Chavez, my wife, and any addi-
tional descendants of legitimate matrimony which I may have at the
time of my death, and they shall be my heirs, in order that they may
possess and obtain my goods by the order and degree, according to the
authority, and dispose of it, by the laws of this territory, with the
blessing of God and of myself.
Ninth Article. And for the present I revoke and annul all wills and
other testamentary dispositions which up to the present I have pre-
pared in writing, or orally, or in other form, in order that none may be
valid nor have judicial nor extra-judicial effect, except this said testa-
ment and memorial which I wish and request may be respected and
binding, and observed and executed in its full provisions as my last
deliberate wish; or in the way and form which it may have a better
position by law. Thus I procure and sign it in this village of San An-
tonio del Sabinal on the sixth of October of this year of the Lord
eighteen hundred forty nine, having as witnesses Mariano Silba, Jesus
Silba, Santiago Frugio and Balentin Basques.
Inventory of Possessions
We the undersigned, in order to execute faithfully the last will
and testament of the deceased Juan Geronimo Torres, and as executors
according to the title we obtain by nomination of the abovesaid de-
ceased, and as much by this as by the confirmation and authorization
which we have received from the F. C.s Prefect of Valencia County, Don
2. As one, or in unity.
3. Possibly it is an H. for Honorable, rather than F. C.
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 339
Manuel Antonio Otero, to whose jurisdiction this matter belongs, in
employment of the powers which the laws fully allow us, we prepare
(applying ourselves together by common consent) the following in-
ventory or account, in order to carry out both our duty and the order
of the Prefect, which thus is his authority meriting attention.
For his faithfulness and corresponding objectives,4 thus we sign
it, the three in accord, in this village of San Antonio del Sabinal, to-
day, October 29, 1849.
1. Executor Vicente Pino
2. Executor Juan Torres
3. Executor Pedro Torres
By such authority is how the following is to be known :
Grants and possessions as established by documents in the house
of the deceased, in Socorro and in La Joya de Sevilleta he has property
by title of purchase.
We declare faithfully he has a grant right in Belen, as also is
evident by the documents that he has there three hundred fourteen
yards5 from north to south and from east to west five hundred yards
of arable grain land.6
Houses in this place, Sabinal.
There is in the first place the house in which resides the family
of the deceased, which consists of nine rooms, its small court, with
its exterior and interior doors7 and its corresponding back-yard and
timber enclosure; an orchard well planted with trees, with its mud-
wall at its base, said orchard consists of three hundred vines bearing
grapes, twenty-six trees of peaches, all fruit-bearing, sixteen the same
of apples, one the same of quince, this and those of apples also fruit-
bearing.
In addition, three kettles, one large and two of medium size, six
silver dishes with their covers, a silver tankard, besides eleven pieces
of apparatus among which one is of elk hide8 (equipped), three carts
and five plows, all with their respective supplies.
Besides the house noted above there are seven more in this same
village, in which are lodged the servants of this same deceased, who
altogether owe two-hundred seventy-nine pesos.
Moreover, charges by effective deeds and documents, one thousand
one hundred seventy-one pesos and two reals.
Lands
In this same town of Sabinal there is property from east to west
five hundred seventy two yards of land, from north to south three
hundred fourteen yards, all of arable grain land.
4. Y para su constancia y fines correspondientes.
5. Varas, actually 33 inches each.
6. de pan llevar.
7. aportalada par dentro y fuera, apparently meaning double doors on the en-
trance through the house to the patio, for defense.
8. uno es de anta.
340 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Animals
The animals consist of the following: eleven pair of oxen, fifty
eight head of cattle, fifteen yearling calves and eighteen new-born.
Besides, ten mares and the stallion, make eleven, and eighteen
goats.
Evaluation of Property
Grant Rights
Inventory of the belongings, cattle and furniture
of the deceased Juan Geronimo Torres of the County of Valencia
2 — Grant rights in Socorro and in la Joya, one in each
of these villages
Houses
9 — Rooms of house in Sabinal in which lives the fam-
ily of the deceased, its value $ 300-0
1 — Vineyard, consisting of three hundred vines 75-0
backyard and yard, its value 50-0
House Ware
3 — Kettles, one large and two medium, their value .... 50-0
6 — Silver dishes and their covers 42-0
1 — Silver tankard, its value 5-0
11 — Pieces of apparatus, their value 5-0
3 — Carts, equipped 24-0
5 — Plows, same 2-0
Other Houses in Sabinal
7 — Houses in which the peones live 21-0
Debts of Each Servant
Jose Alderete 16-0
Vicente Fajardo 2-0
Encarnacion Torres 46-0
Fermin Gomes 63-0
Juan Jose Chaves 51-0
Manuel Barreras 6-0
Jose Sanchez 24-0
Cristoval Archuleta 9-4
Debts by Obligations
Gonalin Chavez owes obligation $ 146-0
Andres Montano 217-0
Nestor Dolores Gallegos 262-0
Manuel Romero 15-4
Jose Chaves y Noriega 749-2
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 341
Animals
11 — Pair of oxen, their value $ 242-0
58— Cattle 464-0
15 — Yearling calves 30-0
18 — Same, new-born 18-0
11 — Mares, their value 90-0
18 — Goats, at one peso 18-0
$3,127-6 [sic] »
Lands
In this village of Sabinal there are five hundred seventy-two yards
of land in length, which is from east to west; and in width three
hundred fourteen yards, which is from north to south; and in
Belen there are two hundred yards of land in length, and in width
one hundred fifty, of arable grain-land,10 or more of the grant as
provided by law.
We, Jesus Silva and Valentin Vasques as witnesses for this current
estimate, this inventory appearing legal to us, sign it today the
eighth of October, A.D. 1849 in Sabinal; but excuse any error or
omission.11
Jesus Silva Valentin Vasques
(To be continued)
9. The total is 3,043 pesos and 2 reals.
10. dc pan ttevar.
11. mas salvo hierro u omicion.
Book Reviews
Tombstone's Epitaph. Douglas D. Martin. Albuquerque : the
University of New Mexico Press, 1951. Pp. xii, 272. $4.50.
The little Arizona town of Tombstone has come to be a
pretty big gun in the increasing Western salvo. And this is
largely justified. In a very brief space of time Tombstone
certainly corralled more than its share of what has come to
be known as colorful characters. It's gotten so big, in signi-
ficance, as a matter of fact, that the name has taken on a
kind of generic symbolism. The slug, "The Town Too Tough
To Die," a press-agent's classic, has in a way become quite
true. Tombstone, which actually lived and died in a very few
years, has been reborn, with the help of some publicity-wise
citizens, and with a planned nostalgia, the place feasts on its
past, with as many invited (paying) guests as possible.
Now again and again writers have been intrigued into
attempting to recreate with their art the dubious glories of
the original inhabitants of Tombstone, and some good and
bad books have come out of it. It remained, however, for an
expatriated easterner to come along and realize that no one
needed to write the story of Tombstone, that Tombstone had
written its own story, and well, when the noise of its ex-
plosion was highest.
There was a newspaper published in Tombstone, started
by the ex-Indian agent John P. Clum, in 1880, called The
Epitaph, for obvious reasons. And in this little newspaper,
which others carried on after Clum, daily the events were
recorded which have since provided grist for the book and
movie mill, recorded with none of the romance and faking
of hindsight and all of the clarity and immediacy of good
newspaper reporting and writing.
The existence of this newspaper has been known, of
course, to many writers, who have from time to time pored
through its yellowed files to find the facts for their fiction.
It was Douglas D. Martin, Pulitzer Prize winning former
managing editor of the Detroit Free Press and now head of
342
BOOK REVIEWS 343
journalism at the University of Arizona who realized that
the items in the paper, in their own way, were better than
any of the oat operas which were dreamed up from them.
Using a judicious and impeccable editorial sense, he pro-
ceeded to abstract from the files of the paper its own account
of its own history. The result is a minor triumph.
For here, in this book, is the story of Tombstone as it
has never been presented, as it otherwise could never have
been presented. Clum and his successors had no manifest
sense of historic mission: they were just good newspaper-
men, intent on getting out a good sheet. We are the bene-
factors today, because we have the feeling, going through
this book, of peeping into the past, with no 20th Century
embroidering and an absence of Gary Cooper.
The big stories are all here just as they broke — for in-
stance the ruckus which involved the Earps, Doc Halliday,
et al, which has been gone over endlessly ever since in Tech-
nicolor— but, and this is more important, all the little stories
are here, the incidents too trivial to attract high-powered
fictioneers, which, relevant irrelevancies, make up the fiber
and breath and air of a community.
By a slow mosaic process the life of the town is recreated,
the church meetings, the parties, the social notes, the odds
and ends of daily occurrences, the laughs, the sorrows, the
drama, the ordinary. When you're finished you'll have lived
for a little while authentically in an interesting community,
oddly removed from and at the same time linked to the
hoopla memories of today. This book is for a person who
wants to travel back in time. On that basis, it is recom-
mended highly.
ELLIOTT ARNOLD
Arizona: The History of a Frontier State. Rufus K. Willys.
Phoenix: Hobson and Herr, 1950. Pp. xv, 408. Maps, ill.
$6.00.
Dr. Willys, social studies head at State College at Tempe,
is long known as chief living authority on Arizona history.
Trained under Dr. H. E. Bolton at the University of Cali-
344 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
fornia, he is author of books both on northern Mexico and
on Arizona.
Here in one medium-length volume, we have the full his-
tory of Arizona, complete and authentic, as entertaining as
it is informative. The book is similar in outline and organi-
zation to other best recent histories of single states. A brief
survey of plant and animal life, geography and topography,
precedes the historical account proper, which is part chron-
ological and part topical. A clear account is given of pre-
historic as well as later Indian life ; of Spanish pioneers such
as Coronado, Onate and Kino — founder of the first mission
settlement near present Tucson ; Anza and Garces. Not Ari-
zona silver but beaver furs drew the first Anglo-Americans,
in the first third of the 1800's ; such members of this reckless
breed of men as Carson, Williams, Pattie, Robidoux, Young,
St. Vrain, and Wolfskill.
A survey of Mexican missions and early incursions by
Americans forms a background for the story of conquest in
the Mexican war, stressing Kearny and the Mormon Bat-
talion, and of minor skirmishes during the Civil War. Topi-
cal treatment is given to territorial origins, Apache Indian
Wars, public lands and settlement, cattle and sheep ranch-
ing and irrigated agriculture, commerce and industry, poli-
tics since admission as the youngest and 48th state. For
thirty years Arizona has led all other states in copper pro-
duction, less glamorous and romantic than gold and silver
mining of earlier days.
The book's value is increased by a dozen old photographs,
eight specially prepared maps, and an excellent bibliography.
AUSTIN E. HUTCHESON
University of Nevada
INDEX
Abeyta, Aniceto, 318
Administrative reports, 143ff
Aguirre, Peter, cattleman, 208
Aitken, Barbara, letter, 338
Alabado, New Mexican, 250
Alcaldes (1819), 158f
Alderson, Mrs. Nannie, 15
Amado, Manuel, cattleman, 209
Amole soap, 130
Anderson, Arthur J. O. and Dibble, Floren-
tine Codex, rev'd. by Thompson, 85
Andrews, William H., 182
Apache, derivation of word, 102, 338 ; en-
durance, 135 ; scouts, 296
Arrastra, 293
Architecture, ranch, 3f
Arizona cattle industry, 18 passim, 204 ;
geography, 204 passim ; National Forests,
33 ; Stock Raiser's Association, 220
Arizona .... by Wyllys, rev'd., 347
Arizpe, Miguel Ramos . . . , Report, ed.,
Benson, rev'd. by Cotner, 256
Armijo. Gov. Manuel, report (1846), 76
Army education, 185 ; life, 277 passim
Arnold, Elliott, rev., Martin, Tombstone's
Epitaph, 346
Artesia, 182
Asplund, Mrs. R. F., 307
Baca, Ezquiel C. de, elected governor, 191 ;
death, 302
Baca, Capt. James, 304
Bailey, Flora L., Some Sex Beliefs and Prac-
tices in a Navaho Community, rev'd. by
Ellis, 248
Baker, Riley, Otero Co. Sheriff, 131
Barbadillo, Alonso de Salas, 201
Belen, 159
Bennett, D. A., cattleman, 208
Benson, Nettie Lee, ed., Miguel Ramos
Arizpe, Report . • • , rev'd by Cotner, 256
Bernard, N. W., cattleman, 208
Bilingualism, 186, 310
Bird's Eye View of the Pueblos, by Stubbs,
rev'd., 167
Bishop, H. R., cattleman, 210
Black, Col. Henry M., 277
Bogen, John W., cattleman, 208
Bond fraud, 312
Borradaile, Col. John, 337
Bosque Redondo, 148
Boundary, Texas, 318
Brands, cattle, 40
Brewster, Gen. A. W., 286
Brookreson, J. H., Arizona rancher, 32
Bruce, C. M., cattleman, 218
Bugbee, Mrs. Thomas, 15
Bullard, Gen. R. E., 286
"Bull trains," 289
Bureaus, reports of N. M., 143ff
Burks, Mrs. A., 6
Bursum, H. O., 190 passim, 316 passim
Calabasas land grant, 21
Cameron, Brewster, cattleman, 218
Cameron, Colin, 21
Camp Cody, 305
Campbell, Mrs. Henry, 6
Canby, Maj. Edward R. S., 45 note
Canciones lugubres (1622), 200
Carrillo, Emilio, cattleman, 209
Carson, Kit, 155
Cascales, Francisco, 202
Cattle breeds, 220 ; companies, 218f ; freight
rates, 216 ; industry, 18 passim, 204 pas-
sim, 289; prices (1880's), 214f; range,
Arizona, 207 ; sheep conflict, 22 ; theft,
205 ; see Governor's proclamations
Cavalry equipment, 269
Chamberlin, Fred, cattleman, 218
Charity, official reports, 143ff
Chaves, Dennis, 318
Chavez, Dona Maria Josefa, 341
Chinese, 283, 261, 291 passim
Chisum, John, 8
Church documents, 244f
Citizens of New Mexico (1846), 69ff
Cleaveland, Agnes Morley, 9
Clothing, western, 12
Cloudcroft, 134
Collins, Dr. Joseph H., 280
Colorado ranches, 8ft
Commissions, reports of N. M., 143ff
Compton, C. M., 192
Connelly, Henry, letter (1846), 82
Constitution, State, 191
Convention, State Constitutional, 192
Cook's Canyon, 295
Coronado, see J. Wesley Huff
Cotner,. Thomas E., rev., Arizpe, Report,
ed., Benson, 256
Court of Private Land Claims, 24
Cowboys and Cattle Kings, by Sonnichsen,
rev'd. 171
Cowboy life, 3ff
Craig, George, 321
Crampton, E. C., 307
Crile, A. D., 306
Custom house (Silver City), 293
Cutting, B. M., 307
Davis, S. B., 307
Dent, Col. John, 284
Depredations, Indian, 44 ; vs. Navaho, 59
Desert Land Act, 19
Dibble, Charles E. and Anderson, Floren-
tine Codex, rev'd. by Thompson, 85
Documents, 68, 158, 242, 338
Doolittle, Col. A. O., 148
Doolittle, James Rood, letter, 148
Douglass, Col. Henry, 277
Dress, western, 12
Drought in New Mexico (1860), 49
Dugout house, 3ff
Eddy, J. A., 134
Education reports, 143ff; see Governor's
proclamations
El Pinto, Antonio, Navaho chief, 113
Election procedures, 195 ; see Governor's
proclamations
Elias, Juan, cattleman, 208
Elias, Tomas, cattleman, 208
Ellis, Florence Hawley, rev., Bailey, Some
Sex Beliefs . . . , 248
Emory, Lieut. W. H., Report, ed., Ross,
rev'd. Wyllys, 256
Enclosure, public lands, 21
345
346
NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Fairley, John H., 182
Fall, Albert B.. 319ff
Family names, 158
Farm implements, 287
Fauntleroy, Col. T. T., 47
Federal Emergency Relief Adm., publica-
tions, 64
Federal Indian policy, 40f
Fees, forest grazing, 34f
Fencing, range, 21
Fergusson, Harvey, Grant of Kingdom,
rev'd. by Wynn, 169
Field, Neill B., 322
Findley, Carrie (Mrs. S. H. Sutherland),
128
Findley, Eddy, gambler, 129
Fish, E. N., cattleman, 19, 208
Flora, desert, 39
Florentine Codex (Fray Bernadino de Sa-
hagun), eds., Anderson and Dibble, rev'd.,
85
Food habits, llff
Forest income, distribution, 35
Fort Fauntleroy, 65
Fort Union, 277
Foster, Bennett, rev., Sonnichsen, Cowboys
and Cattle Kings, 171
Fountain, Colonel Albert J., 132
Freight rates (cattle), 217
French, James A., 307
Fuller, Clarissa P., 148
Gadsden Purchase, 18-43
Garcia, Dona Rita, 340
Garcia, Felix, 321
Garrett, Mrs. Pat, 15
Gates, C. W., cattleman, 216
Geography, Arizona, 204 passim
Goodnight, Mrs. Charles, 7
Gosper, J. J., cattleman, 220
Government, see Governor's proclamations
Governor, annual reports, 66 ; messages of,
137ff; proclamations, 225, 325
Grant of Kingdom, by Fergusson, rev'd.,
169
Grasshoppers (1868), 157
Grazing Homestead Act (1916), 25
Green, Bill, teamster, 292
Hall, James A., 192
Haller, Col. G. O., 277
Hanna, R. H., 307
Hansford, J. S., 21
Harness, stagecoach, 98
Harvey, John N., cattleman, 210
Hastings, James K., "A Boy's Eye View of
the Old Southwest," 287-301
Haughton, Amanda (Mrs. W. E. Lindsey),
179
Havasupai, and Navaho, 107
Hawkins, W. A., 307
Heaton, S. E., cattleman, 223
Hervey, J. M., attorney, 188, 322
Heyman, Max L. Jr., "On the Navaho
Trail: the Campaign of 1860-61," 44-63
Hillsboro, founded 1877, 98
History, see Governor's proclamations
Holidays, see Governor's proclamations
Hallenbeck, Cleve, Land of the Conquistado-
res, rev'd. by Walter, 165
Homestead Act (1862), 18; (1909), 25;
grazing (1916), 25
Hooker, E. R., cattleman, 83
Hooker, H. E., cattleman, 205, 212
Hopi and Navaho, 113
Hospitals, reports of, 143ff
Huff, J. Wesley, "A Coronado Episode,"
119-127 ; death, 148
Hughes, L. A., 306
Hughes, Samuel, cattleman, 19, 224
Hughes, Thomas, 19, 318
Hutcheson, Austin E., rev., Wyllys, Ari-
zona .... 337
Ihde, Ira C., "Washington Ellsworth Lind-
sey," 177-196, 302-324
Indian, 289 passim ; alarm, 281 ; attitude
toward, 157 ; document, 148 ; Federal
policy, 40f; see Governor's proclamations
Irrigation, Pecos Valley, 182f
Jesuit Beginnings in New Mexico, by
Owens, rev'd. by Reeve, 86
Judiciary, see Governor's proclamations
Karr, H. B., 307
Kaseman, G. A., 307
Kearny, S. W., letter (1846), 80
Kelly bond fraud, 312
Kenedy, Capt. Mifflin, 5
Kingston, founded 1882, 97
Ladrones, Navaho, 50
Lake Valley Railroad Co., 91 note
La Lande, town, 181
Land grants, Arizona, 204 passim ; manage-
ment, 18 passim ; sale ( 1819 ) , 162 ; specu-
lations (Arizona), 20; titles, Mexican, 23
Land of the Conquistadores, by Hallenbeck,
rev'd., 165
Land, W. C., cattleman, 217
Lang, George W., cattleman, 217
Larrazolo, O. A., 319
La Tourrette, Genevieve, "Fort Union
Memories," 277-286
La Tourrette, Capt. James A. M., 277
La Tourrette, Mary, 279
Lawlessness, see Governor's proclamations
Leonard, W. C., at Kingston, 93
Liberty Bonds, World War I, 308
Lindsey, Washington Ellsworth, governor,
177-196
Liana, Francisco Murcia de la, 200
Llewellyn, W. H. H., 313
Looscan, Mrs. M., 15
Luna, Solomon, 193
McAllister, Dan, "Old Settlers in Otero
County," 128-136
McAllister, R. L. D., 316
McDonald, W. C., 191
McKibben, Davidson B., rev. of Revista In-
teramericana de Bibliografia, 172
McLaws, Capt Lafayette, 48
McPherson, D. A., 307
Mabry, J. C., quoted, 185
Machuca, Bernardo Vargas, 203
Mac-Neil, D. A., cattleman, 215
Magoffin, Susan, 14
Mann, Pamelia, 14
Manning, Mrs. Eugene, 15
Map, Lake Valley to Kingston stage line,
91 ; of Santa Fe Trail, See Kenyon Riddle
Martin, Douglas D., Tombstone's Epitaph,
rev'd. by Arnold, 846
Massie, James A., 306
Maurigade, Saez, 198
Maury, Capt. D. H., 45
Maxwell, Lucien, 152
Medicine, frontier, 13
Merchandise prices (1819), 161
Mesa, Cristobal de, 202
Mexican land titles, 23
Mexico During the War with the United
States, by Jose Fernando Ramirez, rev'd.,
173
INDEX
347
Military (1819), 159; see Governor's proc-
lamations
Militia (1819), 159
Ming, Dan, cattleman, 214
Mining, 92 note ; method, 288, 293 ; near
Silver City, 287 passim
Missionary work, See Ramon Ortiz
Missions among Navaho, HOf
Mister, Fred W., 92
Mizner, Col. Henry R., 277
Montgomery, John, cattleman, 213
Montoya, Juan Martinez de (1607), 197
Montoya, Martinez (1600's), 198
Moore, F. L., 215
Mormons, 211
Muller, Capt. Fritz, 261 note, 264
Murphey, Dan, cattleman, 211
Names of citizens (1819), 158
National forests in Arizona, 33
National Guard, 262, 304
Navaho culture (1780), 115; document, 148;
during Spanish regime, 101 ; mission
(1749), HOf ; origin, 103; origin of name,
838; resources (1786), 114; sex beliefs,
248; society, 52 passim; treaty (1861),
57; war (1860), see Heyman, Max L. Jr.
New Mexican citizens (1846), 69ff
New Mexico : constitution, 191 ; National
Guard, 262, 304; ranches, 8f ; in World
War I, 304 passim
Nolan, Jerry, 336
Official reports of N. M., 143
Officials (1819), 158
Ogle, R. H., rev., Porter, Ruxton of the
Rockies, 83
"Onate, Cristobal de," by Rey, 197-203
Orchard, L. W., at Kingston, 92
Otero, Manuel Antonio, 343
Otero, Miguel A., 262
Otero, Sabino, 19
Outlaws, 262
Owens, M. Lilliana, Jesuit Beginnings in
New Mexico, rev'd. by Reeve, 86
Pancoast, Chalmers Lowell, reminiscence,
336
Papago Indians, 40f
Peonage, 344
Perrigo, Prof. Lynn I., see documents
Pierce, Shanghai, 7
Pino, Vicente, 342
Plow, 287
Plummer, Gen. E. H., 286
Poe, Sophie, 2
Poisonous desert flora, 39
Political officials (1819), 158; reform, 302
Politics, see Governor's proclamations
Pollard, A. W., 320
Portales Irrigation Co., 183 ; Townsite Co.,
180
Porter, Clyde and Mae Reed, Ruxton of the
Rockies, rev'd. by Ogle, 83
Prentice, Royal A., "The Rough Riders,"
261-276
Price list (1819), 161
Prohibition, 189
Public domain, 18 passim
Putney, R. E., 307
Rael, Juan B., The New Mexican Ala-
bado, rev'd. by Robb, 250
Rafter, Jim, 96
Railroad, Lake Valley, 91 note; and cattle,
214
Ramirez, Jose Fernando, Mexico During the
War with the United States, rev'd. by
Rippy, 173
Ranch architecture, 3ff; diet, llff; life, Iff
Range cattle industry, 18 passim
"Range, Home on the," by Tressman, 1-17
Reay, William J., stagecoach, 89 note and
passim
Reeve, F. D., rev., Owens, Jesuit Begin-
nings in New Mexico, 86
Regents, reports of, 143ff
Reid, R. C., 307
Reiter, Paul, rev., Stubbs, Bird's-Eye View
of the Pueblos, 167
Reservation, Papago, 40f
Revista Interamericana de Bibliografia ....
rev'd. by McKibben, 172
Rey, Agapito, "Cristdbal de Onate," 197-
203
Rhodes, Gene Man love, quoted, 15
Rhodes, May D. (Mrs. Gene Manlove), 15
Richardson, Frank, 96
Richardson, G. A., 193
Riggs, Brannick, cattleman, 212
Rippy, J. Fred, rev., Jose Fernando Ra-
mirez, Mexico During the War with the
United States, 173
Roberts, Dr. Frank H. H., quoted, 185
Roberts, J. W., cattleman, 221
Robb, J. D., rev., Rael, The New Mexican
Alabado, 250
Holland, Frank, 134
Roosevelt County created, 187
Roosevelt, Col. Theodore, 267
Ross, Calvin, ed., Lieutenant Emory Re-
ports, rev'd. by Wyllys, 255
Roualt, Theodore, 318
Rough Riders, 261
Ruxton of the Rockies, by Clyde and Mae
Reed Porter, rev'd., 83
Sabinal, residents of ( 1850 ) , 344
Safford, Gov. A. K. P., 19, 205
Sahagun, Fray Bernadino de, Florentine
Codex, rev'd. by Thompson, 85
St. Vincent Spring, 296
Sanford, Don A., cattleman, 19, 207
San Rafael del Valle land grant, 24
Santa Fe Trail, 242
Scheever, Jacob, 215
Scholes, Walter V., ed., Jose Fernando Ra-
mirez, Mexico During the War with the
United States, rev'd. by Rippy, 173
School lands, Arizona, 28
Sheep-cattle conflict, 22
Shelton, Wilma Loy, "Checklist of New
Mexico Publications," 64-67, 137-147, 225-
241, 325-335
Shoemaker, Capt. W. R., 278
Sibley, Maj. H. H., 49
Sierra Bonita Land and Cattle Co., part-
ners in, 218
Silver City, settlements nearby, 291
Simpson, Lieut.-Col. M. D. F., 204
Slaughter, John H., 211
Sledge, John Brown, 180
Smith, Marcus A., Arizona terr. delegate,
34
Soil erosion, 207 passim
Soldiers, names of (1819), 158
Sonnichsen, C. L., Cowboys and Cattle
Kings, rev'd. by Foster, 171
Southwest, Boy's View of, 287
Spanish-American War, 261
Speculation, land, 20
Spiess, Charles, 322
Springer, Charles, 307
S. S. Yucatan, 272
348
NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Stagecoach, 89, 288 ; description, 94
Staging: in New Mexico, 89
State Council of Defense (1917), 315
State of New Mexico v. William G. Kelly,
312
Stock Raiser's Association, Arizona, 220
Stone, Mrs. J. P., 187
Stotsenburg, Lieut J. M., 279
Stuart, Frank (of El Paso), 128
Stubbs, Stanley A., Bird's-Eye View of the
Pueblos, rev'd. by Reiter, 167
Style, western clothing, 12
Sullivan, Neal, 96
Sully, John, 306
Surveyor-General, 23ff
Sutherland, Samuel Henry, 128
Taiban, town, 181
Taxation, 194, 312
Taylor Grazing Act, 26
Tellez, Joaquin, cattleman
Live Music Archive
Librivox Free Audio
Metropolitan Museum
Cleveland Museum of Art
Internet Arcade
Console Living Room
Open Library
American Libraries
TV News
Understanding 9/11